By Fairfax Harrison (1926)
When, on October 19, 1759, the Virginia Gazette announced that 'Yesterday arrived in town the Rt. Hon. Thos. L'd Fairfax,' the news was read with interest by a young English clergyman, the Rev. Andrew Burnaby, then sojourning in Williamsburg at the beginning of an enterprising tour 'through the middle settlements in North America.' His imagination was captured by the idea of a peer, who was reputed to have associated with the wits of the London of Queen Anne and actually himself to have contributed to the Spectator, living now aloof in the wilderness of a vast proprietary, the Northern Neck of Virginia.
A few days later, as he records, Mr. Burnaby had the opportunity of meeting Lord Fairfax at 'The Palace' on the occasion of a reception by Governor Fauquier and then accepted an invitation to call at Greenway Court, when, during the following spring, he should make an intended journey across the Blue Ridge. The result of this meeting was a lively sketch1 which has not only afforded to all subsequent historians of the most agreeable period of American colonial life a welcome detail of local colour, but has made of the proprietors of the Northern Neck favorites of Virginia historical romance.
Little that measures up to Professor Freeman's estimate of genealogy2 has, however, been recorded for the Culpepers, and so what is after all of the greatest significance about them in America has been missed: that Burnaby's Lord Fairfax looked back on no less than four generations of his ancestors who during more than a century had successively maintained interests and risks in the Virginian Commonwealth.3
The immediate concern of the present genealogical study has therefore been in the evidence for the participation of the Culpepers and their descendents in the planting of Virginia. It will be found to demonstrate that it was no improvisation of interest which sent Lord Fairfax to reside beyond the Atlantic; which prompted his mother to set tip at Leeds Castle a sundial to mark simultaneously the time of day on the Thames and the Potomac; which sent her father out as Governor; or even which moved the Governor's father to solicit inclusion in the earliest of the Northern Neck charters; for the fact was that Lord Fairfax's Culpeper great grandfather had been an active member of the Virginia Company, and his great great grandfather one of the adventurers named in the original grants of 1609 and 1610.
The Culpepers were, too, implicit of that closely knit family connection which contributed a St. Leger to be one of Raleigh's captains; Argalls, Auchers, Filmers, Sandys' and Wyatts to the beginnings of Virginia affairs at home and abroad, and later sent out to the colony Brents, Byrds, Codds, Clarkes, Darrells, Digges, Fleets, Honeywoods, Lovelaces, Norwoods and Spencers.
It has required spade work to collect and array the proofs of these statements. Not only are the Culpepers now figures of a dead past in America (where, as Dr. Moncure Conway picturesquely said, 'Fairfax-land is lost in Washington-land'), but in England also. Their heyday was in the times of the Stuarts, since when, as the hard saying is, they 'have gone down in the world;3 and their traditions have remained unfurbished.
Moreover, as a family they afford a minor illustration of the historical fact that the continuity of social life was rudely shaken by the civil wars of the seventeenth century. From the time of the Angevin kings until the 'Troubles' under Charles 1, the Culpepers recorded the detail of their pedigrees as convincingly as any Englishmen. Generation after generation, they preserved their muniments within the confines of a few small, safe, conservative parishes. But in the twilight of the modern world the branch of the family with which we are here concerned abandoned the tradition of marriage among hereditary neighbours, and as a consequence many of their representatives were born, lived and died beyond their ancestral boundaries. In this characteristically modern practice they failed to assemble their vital statistics, and disappeared from the historical scene before genealogy was recognised to be a handmaid of history.4
When, in this lack of evidence, the pedigree of the Wigsell Culpepers became of practical importance to all the landholders within the Northern Neck, the post-revolutionary Virginia lawyers were sadly to seek in interpreting the documents which came into their hands. It is a curious commentary on the completeness of their recent separation from the mother country that they did not then have recourse, as their fathers and grandfathers would have had, to the English wills. They cited Burnaby in the law courts (a dignity which would have astonished the Archdeacon considering the uncritical form of his narrative) and were content with mutual stipulations of fact, which, in some cases, they recognised to be inconsistent with the face of the record before them, and in others prove to have been premature. So convinced a detractor of the proprietary title as judge Spencer Roane was thus lead to admissions which he would have rejoiced to be able to deny; and we find in England the traces of diligent work, silently carried on by John Marshall, to confirm nunc pro tunc facts which, on such admissions, had already been adjudged by the American courts.
For all these considerations it seems fitting to array the generations of the proprietors of the Northern Neck, not in mere glittering heraldry, nor yet, in the contemptuous phrase of the post-revolutionary historians, as 'unworthy favorites of a profligate king,' but to prove their title to be included in the honourable company which Alexander Brown enrolled as the Founders of America.
A Key Chart of the Pedigree of the Wigsell Culpepers
to Illustrate their Relationship with Virginia
How to read the Chart. The HTML technology of the web does not make it easy to draw lines between boxes. Therefore, in the chart below, the connection from one generation to the next is indicated in the narrative for the parent.
Abbreviations:
o.s.p. (obiit sine prole) Died without issue
o.s.p.s. (obiit sine prole superstite) Died without surving issue.
IX.
Walter Culpeper (1475?-1516) Under Marshall of Calais. A younger son of the Sir John Culpeper of Bedgebury, co. Kent, who was buried at Goudhurst, 1480, this Walter took as his portion, under his father's will, the ancient Culpeper inheritance of Wigsell in Sussex; where his son founded a new house. (Father of William below)
X.
William Culpeper (1509-1559) of Wigsell, co. Sussex. (Father of John below)
XI.
John Culpeper (1530-1612) of Wigsell. (Father of Thomas, John, and Alexander below)
XII.
Thomas Culpeper (1561-1613) of Wigsell. A member of the Virginia Company, 1609-1613 (Father of Sir John below)
John Culpeper (1565-1635) of Feckenham, co. Worc. A member of the Virginia Company, 1609-1625. (Father of Thomas and John of Northampton below)
Sir Alexander Culpeper (1570-1645) of Greenway Court and Ulcombe, co. Kent, His will (P.C.C. Rivers, 157, and Fairfax, 153) is the key to his pedigree. (o.s.p.)
XIII.
Sir John Culpeper (1st Lord) (1600-1660) of Wigsell and Hollingbourne. M.P. Master of the Rolls, etc. created 1644. Lord Culpeper of Thoresway. A member of the Virginia Company, 1617-1623. One-seventh proprietor of the Northern Neck under the charter of 1649. (Also see article from Britannica On-Line) (Father of Thomas below)
Thomas Culpeper (1602?-1652?) of the Middle Temple of the Middle Temple. One-seventh proprietor of the Northern Neck under the charter of 1649. Emigrated to Virginia, 1649, and there died. (Father of Alexander, Anne, John of Albemarle, and Frances below)
John Culpeper (1606-1674) of Northampton Co, Virginia. Sometime a Virginia merchant of London, and at the end of his life, Clerk of Northampton County. (o.s.p.?) Culpepper Connections Note: While Fairfax Harrison believed John may have died without issue, more recent research indicates that John of Northampton may be the progenitor of most American Culpeppers.
XIV.
Thomas Culpeper (2nd Lord) (1635-1689) of Leeds Castle. Succeeded, 1660, as second Lord Culpeper. {Married 1660, Margaret Van Hesse (1635-1710), who was one-sixth proprietor of the Northern Neck under will of Alexander Culpeper, 1694-1710; and who devised that interest to her grandson, Thomas, sixth Lord Fairfax.} Member of the Council for Foreign Plantations, 1671-1674. Governor of Virginia, 1677-1683; Proprietor of the Northern Neck under charters of 1669 and 1688; viz: one-sixth until 1681, and thereafter, five-sixths. Proprietor of all Virginia under the Arlington charter of 1673; viz. one-third, 1673-1681, and the whole, 1681-1684, when he surrendered to the Crown. [Paintings of Lord Thomas and Lady Margaret are on the Home Page of Culpepper Connections!] (Father of Catherine below)
Alexander Culpeper (1631?-1694) of Hollingbourne, Esq. Surveyor- General of Virginia, 1671-1694. One-sixth proprietor of the Northern Neck under the charters of 1669 and 1688; devised his interest to the widow of the second Lord Culpeper. (o.s.p.)
Anne Culpeper (1630-1695). Married in Virginia, 1652, Christopher Danby of Thorpe Perrow, co. Yorks. A daughter married Joseph Goodrich of Rapphannock Co, VA
John Culpeper (1633-post 1680) of Albemarle in Carolina; the 'Carolina Rebel' of 1677. From him may have descended the later Culpepers of Lower Norfolk Co, VA.
Frances Culpeper (1634-post 1690). Married, 1st, 1652, Samuel Stephens of Warwick Co, VA, sometime Governor of Albemarle; 2nd, 1670, Sir William Berkeley, Governor of Virginia; 3rd, 1680, Philip Ludwell of James City Co, VA, sometime Governor of Carolina. (o.s.p.)
XV.
Catherine Culpeper (1670?-1719) of Leeds Castle; married 1690, Thomas, fifth Lord Fairfax of Cameron (1657-1710). She was five-sixth proprietor of the Northern Neck, 1689-1719; devised Leeds Castle and her interest in the Northern Neck to her descendants in tail male. (Mother of Thomas, Robert, and Frances below)
XVI.
Thomas Fairfax (1693-1781) of Leeds Castle and Greenway Court, Virginia. Succeeded 1710 as sixth Lord Fairfax. One-sixth proprietor of the Northern Neck, 1710-1719; sole proprietor 1719-1781; devised Alexander Culpeper's one-sixth interest in the proprietary, together with Leeds Manor in Virginia, to his nephew Denny Martin, on condition that he should assume name Fairfax. (o.s.p.)
Robert Fairfax (1706-1793) of Leeds Castle. Succeeded 1781 as seventh Lord Fairfax. Five-sixths proprietor of the Northern Neck, 1781-1786, when the proprietary was abolished by the Virginia Assembly. Collected £13,000 as the measure of his life interest from the British government under the American Loyalists Compensation Act. (o.s.p.s.)
Frances Fairfax (1703-1791). Married Denny Martin of Loose, co, Kent. (Mother of Denny, Thomas, and Philip below)
XVII.
Denny Martin (1726-1800) of Leeds Castle. Assumed additional name of Fairfax, 1781. One-sixth proprietor of the Northern Neck, 1781-1786, when the proprietary was abolished by the Virginia Assembly. Sold Leeds Manor in Virginia and his claim in proprietary, to John Marshall & Co. (o.s.p.)
Thomas Bryan Martin (1731-1798) of Greenway Court in Virgina. Emigrated to Virginia, 1751, and in 1752 was vested with the Virginia Greenway Court by his uncle, the sixth Lord Fairfax. County Lieutenant of Hampshire, VA, 1755. Devised Greeway Court to his housekeeper, Betty Powers. (o.s.p.)
Philip Martin (1733-1821) of Leeds Castle. A general in the army. Succeeded to Leeds Castle, 1800, on the death of his brother Denny, and being without issue and the last heir male of Catherine, Lady Fairfax, devised that property to a remote kinsman on his father's side, Fiennes Wykeham, who assumed the additional name of Martin. (o.s.p.)
Notes:
1 Appendix No. 4 to Travels through the Middle Settlements in North
America in the years 1759 and 1760 with Observations upon the State Of the
Colonies, 3d ed., 1798.
2 Freeman says (Methods of Historical Study. PP. 49,
105), 'the study of genealogy . . . has its place in the comitatus of our Lady
Kleio . . . I can see Macaulay's great and obvious faults as well as any man .
. . but . . . scan well his minute accuracy in every name and phrase and title.
3 They were all Culpepers, for no Fairfax was a
member of the Virginia Company. The lure of that adventure did not find its way
into the manor houses of Yorkshire as it did among the men of Kent and the
South of England generally. But the Culpeper marriage did not introduce the
name upon the Virginia scene. In 1618 a 'Mr. Farfax' was living near Jamestown
and had several children killed by the 'saluages' while he was absent at church
(John Smith's Works ed. Arber, ii, 538). He probably was the William Fairfax
who was himself a sacrifice in the indian massacre of 1622, as appears from the
subsequent enumeration of 'Archers Hope,' where he had been a landholder
(Brown, First Republic, 622; Hotten, Original Lists, 271). Again, in 1690 one
James Fairfax was living in Accomac (Wise, Eastern Shore, 322).
These have not been identified,
but in 1659 Ferdinando Fairfax (1636-1664), one of the numerous issue of
Charles Fairfax of Menston, was resident in Northumberland County, Virginia
(Va. Mag., vii, 73). He was a factor for Nicholas Hayward, the Virginia
merchant who was Fitzhugh's correspondent, and afterwards returned to London.
Again, in 1676, Capt. Thomas
Fairfax (1633-1712), the second son of the gallant Sir William Fairfax of
Steeton, who gave his life for the Parliament before Montgomery Castle,
commanded a company of guards in the detachment sent to Virginia after Bacon's
Rebellion, and was then designated 'Lieutenant Deputy Governor of Virginia'
(Cal. State Papers, Am. & W. 1., 1675-76, Nos, 331, 1032, 1036, 1055). As a
lad this Thomas had been at the conquest of Jamaica in Cromwell's 'Western
Design' and later served in the government there. He died a general in the
army, and Governor of Limerick in Ireland (See Her. & Gen., vi, 614, and his letters in Markham's Admiral Robert Fairfax). Finally, in 1679, Nicholas Fairfax, of the
Gilling Castle family, commanded the ship 'Fairfax' in the Virginia trade
(Hotten, P. 375).
4 The lack of such readily available testimony for
the Wigsell Culpepers as the seventeenth-century heralds recorded for most of
the long established families of Kent and Sussex is a curious consequence of
their family history. They do not appear in the Visitation of Kent, 1619 (Harl.
Soc., vol. xlii) because they were then of Sussex, and they do not appear in
the Visitation of Sussex, 1633-34 (ibid.,
vol. Iiii) because they were then of Kent; finally, they do not appear
in the Visitation of Kent, 1663 (ibid.,
vol. liv) because they had not then reestablished the territorial
relations which had been uprooted by the civil wars.
How to read the Chart. The HTML technology of the web does not make it easy to draw lines
between boxes. Therefore, in the chart below, the connection from one
generation to the next is indicated in the narrative for the parent.
Abbreviations:
o.s.p. (obiit sine prole) Died
without issue
o.s.p.s. (obiit sine prole superstite) Died without surving issue.
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Chapter 1
The Pageant of the Culpepers
In Charles I's peerage
patent of 1644 the house we are to study was described as 'the Antient and
Noble family of the Colepepers,5 in our counties of Kent and Sussex
many ages past renowned for persons of eminent ability both in war and peace.'
They first appear upon the records in the time of King John. When Edward I was
on the throne one of them was Porter (or Castellan) of Leeds Castle under
the Lord Badlesmere, with four sons, all vigorous men at arms; who, after
serving against the Scots, became involved in the futile rebellion of Thomas,
earl of Lancaster, against Edward II. The two of them from whom all the subsequent
Culpepers were descended then first wrote their name on the page of national
history by getting themselves conspicuously hanged by a wrathful king.6 Undaunted by this experience, in
Queen Mary's time, two more of them were again 'rebels,' being 'out' in Wyatt's
Kentish rising against the Spanish marriage; but they, more fortunate than
their ancestors, escaped with no more than an imprisonment in the Tower and a
temporary sequestration of their property.7
Despite these checks, the
family grew progressively until at the beginning of the seventeenth century
Camden8 could say of them, 'I have noted at
one time there were twelve knights and baronets of this house alive together;'
and it was on such a. footing that they gallantly atoned their adolescent intractability
by giving to Charles I the unanimous support which ruined them as a house.
The family papers of the
Culpepers are, unfortunately, lost; so that, lacking the colour of such
material, they must be estimated largely on the testimony of such scraps of
public records as array a procession of their ghosts. The roll, incomplete as
it is, has enough variety and interest to make one wish for more detail.
Their men of the robe
would be led by a recognitor
magnae assisae of the time of King John;9 a judge of Common Pleas of the time
of Henry IV;10 a Master of the Rolls of the time
of Charles I; and a colonial Governor of the time of Charles II; supported by
sixteen Sheriffs11 of Kent, Sussex and Worcestershire,
and a round dozen of Parliamentmen,12 ranging down from Edward I to
George II.
Then would follow their
soldiers, veterans of all England's wars from that against the 'Scots who hae
wi Wallace bled,' through the rivalries of the Roses, the Hundred Years
fighting with France, the sixteenth century death grapple with Spain, to the
Troubles and the subsequent contests with the Dutch for command of the sea.
Among them we can, however, identify only the rebellious brothers of the time
of Edward II, whom we have already mentioned; the sturdy squire who fought at
Agincourt under the banner of Sir William Bouchier with a younger brother and
five yeomen archers from among his father's tenants;13 the almost anonymous liegemen of
the Red Rose;14 an under Marshal of Calais, temp. Henry VIII;15 an Elizabethan youth entered in a
visitation pedigree only as `slayne in Holland,' fighting for the Dutch under Sir Francis Vere;16 the Restoration sailor who 'was in
four sea fights' against the
Dutch ;17 and the several cavaliers we are
to meet later.
The next company would be
a small band of book men, the herbalist (Nicholas) who practised astrology, and, to
the rage of the medical profession, translated the pharmacopaeia into English so that all men might prescribe for
themselves;18 a pair of earnest but dull writers
against usury (Sir Thomas, the Elder, and Sir Thomas, the Younger);19 and a second rate poet (William) who was the author also of a
petition to Parliament, quite reasonably adjudged scandalous, that that august
body should take a vacation from politics and go to work.20
Bringing up the rear would
be the black sheep; two fortune hunting cadets of the time of Edward IV
(Richard and Nicholas), who broke the word they had given as 'gentylmen' and 'arayed in the man of warre' abducted and forcibly married
two co-heiresses, despite their 'grete and
pittious lamentacion,' thereby establishing a new house of their
name;21 the youthful lover of his cousin, Queen Katherine Howard;22 a swaggering colonel who was
condemned to lose a hand for an act of violence within the verges of the court,
but had sufficient parts to be elected to the Royal Society for his invention
of 'iron hearths for burning coals instead of freestone hearths which crack;’23 a youth (Cheney) who in cold blood murdered an
officer of the guards with a blunderbuss, but was pardoned because he was
brother to a peer;24 and the last baronet of the
Wakehurst house who, in the early eighteenth century, gambled away his estate,
and by continuing to frequent the resorts where others were doing the same
thing after he could no longer take part, was pilloried by Pope in a cadenced
contemptuous verse.25
Genealogically, in the
seventeenth century, these Culpepers had divided from the Stammhaus of Bayhall
(near Tunbridge Wells) into four principal branches, which, in the order of
their seniority, were: (a) Bedgebury, in Kent; (b) Wigsell, in Sussex; (c)
Wakehurst, in Sussex; and (d) Aylesford in Kent. All were prolific in Thomases
and Johns, so that the student must walk warily among them to avoid confusion.
Our present interest is, however, confined to the second house, which, as it
befell, was to become the senior line and is, moreover, the only one of the
four which still persists.
The history of the Wigsell
Culpepers falls naturally into three periods: (a) of quiet preparation for
political opportunity in comparative rural seclusion, principally at Wigsell;
(b) an efflorescence at Hollingbourne in the stimulating atmosphere of a
community of professional and Crown service families; and (c) decay and
dissolution following the Revolution of 1688.
The last professional
soldier among them was the founder of their house, who died in the early years
of the reign of Henry VIII. His son was educated in the law and made his career
in country business; but his successors maintained themselves for two
generations as simple country gentlemen. That they did not accumulate wealth
appears from the fact that neither of them was ever on a sheriff roll, nor did
Queen Elizabeth honour them with a visit, as she did their cousins of Bedgebury
(Nichols, Progresses of Q. Elizabeth,
i, 334). The iron manufacturing which they carried on had passed its
profitable period, and they needed iterated marriages with heiresses to
balance, at least once a generation, their easy going budgets.
For all that this family
thus lived for a time aloof from the great world, they did not degenerate.
Beginning in the reign of Edward VI almost uniformly they put their sons
through the whole gamut of educational opportunity. They were sent first to
Winchester, then to Oxford. Finally, with the exception of a few who took
orders in the church, they studied also at the Inns of Court. In the university
lists, compiled by Foster and Venn, for the two generations preceding the civil
wars there are recorded of the CuIpepers twenty-one at Oxford, and ten at
Cambridge. Of these thirty-one, fifteen went out of Wigsell, all to Oxford; and
of that fifteen, thirteen were enrolled also members of the Middle Temple,
while two more were of Gray's Inn without having been to the university. The
significance of these statistics is that the Wigsell Culpepers were never
'mere' lawyers; they never sought an education in order to practice law and
they never practised law long enough to produce a serjeant or a judge. They
studied law as they went to Oxford, as modern men do, for the sake of a liberal
education.
So far as concerns their
residence in the chancery inns, and even in the inns of court, they were in the
strict tradition of the Tudor gentry;26 who generally sent their sons
thither from the grammar schools, to acquire what the Greeks called mousike (i. e., manners and such a
smattering of law as might fit them for responsibility in country business);
but in the sixteenth century it was unusual for men of that kind of breeding to
go to the universities, unless they expected to become parsons. Roger Ascham
testifies to the point explicitly in The
Schoolmaster (1570):
'If a father have foure sons.' he
said, 'three faire and well formed, both mynde and bodie, the fourth wretched,
lame and deformed, his choice shal be to put the worst to learning, as one good
enough to becorn a scholer. I have spent the most parte of my life in the
Universitie and therefore can beare witness that many fathers commonlie do
thus.'
To attain education, the
Wigsell Culpepers thus broke through a class prejudice, and it may fairly be
deduced that it was because they did so during several preparatory generations
that they were qualified to take the high average position in Jacobean society
which Camden noted.
That position was
achieved, after they had removed to Hollingbourne, by the diligent practice of
politics, for which legal studies had qualified them. In this they were as
typical of the earliest Stuart era as those sterling soldiers, the St. Legers,
to whose Kentish lands they succeeded, were racy of Tudor times. Before the
Culpepers appeared on the great scene, to participate in government
administration and serious service in both houses of parliament, they served a
local apprenticeship. Facile with the pen, and persuasive with the tongue, they
became county leaders because they were recognised to be the embodiment of
enlightened conservatism. Whether resisting the payment of ship money and the
abuse of royal farms of monopolies of necessities of life, or arguing for the
reduction of 'usury,' they were neither democrats nor fanatics, but stood
resolute for ordered authority against theoretical innovations. They held with
Lord Falkland that when there is not a necessity for change, there is a
necessity not to change.
Estimating the community
in which they played this part, a modern historian has crystallized at once
their achievement and the cause of it:
'When the public opinion of Kent
was finally voiced (whether fighting for the Prayer Book or against ship money)
it coincided remarkably nearly with the verdict of posterity. Its ruling
families, Finchs, Wottons, Culpepers and Derings, represented a royalist but
staunchly Protestant outlook… a conservative moderation different entirely from
the royalism of Cornwall or the North.'
Notes:
5 So the name was originally, and so
it now is again among those of the family who persist. But from the earliest
records it is occasionally spelled, as it was doubtless always pronounced,
Culpeper. After the Restoration this form became common usage and so passed
into Virginia history and topography. For this last reason we have here used it
consistently.
There has long been
current in the Fairfax family a tradition that the Dutch wife of the second
Lord Colepeper made a mistake in spelling her new English name and, being a
strong minded woman, insisted on her descendants ratifying her mistake. The
demonstrated fact that this lady did make mistakes in spelling cannot, however,
offset the testimony of the contemporary use of the form Culpeper by entirely
distinct branches of a numerous family..
6 Holinshed, 1807 ed., ii, 563, 569; Weever, Antient Funeral Monuments (ed. Tooke,
1767), p. 69; Wykeham-Martin, Leeds Castle, p. 115..
7 They were Thomas10 of
Bedgebury, and Thomas10 of Aylesford. See Holingshed, iv, 21 ; The Chronicle of Queen Jane (Camden
Soc. No. 48).pp. 36, 54, 71; Acts P.
C., 1552-53, p. 306 1554-56, p. 13..
8 Remains
concerning Britain, tit.
Armouries, s. v. Culpeper. The number may be extended to sixteen by including
all the Knights dubbed by Elizabeth and the Stuart Kings, viz:
Of Bedgebury: (i) Sir Anthony, 1560-1618 and his sons
(2) Sir Alexander, 1581-1639, and (3) Sir Thomas, 1598-1643, of St. Stephens.
Of Wigsell: (4) Sir John, 1600-1660 later
raised to the peerage; (5) Sir Thomas, 1600-1638, of Folkington; (6) Sir
Thomas, 1575-1661, the elder, of Hollingbourne, and his sons (7) Sir Cheney,
1601-1663 and (8) Sir Thomas, the younger, 1625-1697; (9) Sir Martin,
1579-1604, of Feckenham; and his brother (10) Sir Stephen, 1580-1611 (11) Sir
Alexander, 1570-1645 of Greenway Court.
Of Wakehurst: (12) Sir Edward ob., 1630, and his sons (13) Sir
John, 1594-1621, and (14) Sir William, 1602-1678, the last named created a
baronet.
Of Aylesford: (15) Sir Thomas ob., 1604, and his son (16) Sir William, 1588-1651, the last
named created a baronet.
It will be noted that of the four branches of the family
which flourished under the Stuarts, one became extinct, one was raised to the
peerage, and the other two clinched their golden spurs by buying baronetcies..
9 Pipe Rolls, cited in Philipot, Villare Cantianum (1776 ed), p. 271.
A recognitor was an assessor, not a judge as Philipot suggests and as Mr.
Wykeham-Martin argues. See Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law, 2d ed., ii, 622, and Oxford Dict., s. v..
10 Foss, Judges of England, p. 180. .
11 Sheriff lists in Philipot; in Berry's County Genealogies, Kent and Sussex, and in Fuller's Worthies
of England. .
12 0fficial Return of Members of Parliament, 1878.
13 Sir N. H. Nicolas, The Battle of Agincourt, 1832, P. 361..
14 List of Lancastrian gentry of
Kent, 1433, in Fuller's Worthies, ed. Nuttal, 1840, ii, 160..
15 P. C. C.
Holder, 16..
16 Visitation
of Sussex, 1633-34, 'Culpeper
of Fogington!.
17 M. I. to John, third Lord Culpeper, in
Hollingbourne Church..
18 Nicholas Culpeper (1616-1654) of the Wakehurst family in Dict. Nat. Biog., re-issue,
v, 286. Gentlemans Magazine, 1xvii
(1797), 390, 476, 477, 563..
19 Wood, Athenae Oxon iii, 533. .
20 This was William (1665-1727), son of Sir Thomas, the
younger, of, Hollingbourne. His verses are included in Richard Savage's Miscellaneous Poems, 1726. For the
Kentish Petition of 1701 see
Luttrell, Brief Relation, v, 47;
Somers Tracts; and the comment in Ranke, History of England. .
21 Early Chancery Proceedings, Bundle
26, No. 304, cited by Cot
Attree in Sussex Archeological
Journal, x1vii, 60..
22 Letters
and Papers of Henry VIII, xvi, 1334 ff. Gentlemans Magazine 1xvii (1797), 543. The mother of the Queen was of the
Aylesford house. This Thomas, who was beheaded at Tyburn, 10 November, 33 Hen. VIII [15411, was second son of Sir Alexander9 of Bedgebury. See the litigation
over his estate, Culpeper v. Bushe
(1553) in Dyer's Reports (1672 ed.),
p. 100..
23 Evelyn, Diary, 9 July, 1685; Luttrell, Brief Relation i, 401, iv, 246; Record of the Royal Society, 1901 Cal.
State Papers, Dom. 1666-67, P.
388; Collins' Peerage (ed. Brydges), i, 343; Culpeper v. Austin, 1682, 2 Chan. Cas., 221; Memoirs of Lady Fanshawe (ed. Sir N. H.
Nicolas, 1830), P. 156. This Col.
Thomas Culpeper (1637-1708), of St.
Stephens near Canterbury, was of the Bedgebury family. The evidence for him,
especially his MSS., preserved in the British Museum (Harl., Nos. 6819 ff.), fully justify Sir Harris Nicolas'
characterization of him as 'a most extraordinary character, and though a man of
genius and erudition, very nearly a madman.'.
24 Cheney, afterwards fourth and last
Lord Culpeper, .
25 Moral Essays, Epistle III, On the use of riches, verse 65, with
Pope's note of 1732. .
26 This practice began after the
inauguration of the Tudor justices of the peace recruited among the country
gentry. Stow says (Survey of London,
1598), 'the inns of Chancery…
want not some… young students that come thither sometimes from one of the
universities and sometimes immediately from grammar schools [to spend] some
time in studying upon the first elements and grounds of the law… and perform
the exercise… called Boltas Mootes and putting of cases! They were
taught also 'to dance, sing and play instrumental music.’ See the article, Inns
of Court in the Encyclopaedia
Britannica, eleventh edition .
Chapter 2a
Wigsell
|
The Proprietors of the Northern Neck Chapter 2a
At the time of their check at the
hands of Edward II, the Culpepers seem to have recently inaugurated their
characteristic practice of land acquisition by the time honored expedient of
marrying heiresses. It was from their first manor so acquired, that of Bayhall in
the Kentish parish of Pembury on
the southern border of the weald, that they spread, as Hasted remarks, 'over
the whole face of the county' of Kent; and, we may add, eventually of
adjacent Sussex as well. In this process, the Walter
Culpeper who fought at Agincourt, being of the seventh recorded generation of
his family,27
put his roots in the ground a few miles southeast of Bayhall. About 1425 he
married the widow of the last Bedgebury of Bedgebury
in Goudhurst and was buried with that family in Goudhurst
church. His tomb described him as 'arm. filius Thorne Culpeper
militis... obiit 24 November 1462' (Weever, Antient Funeral Monuments,
1767 ed., p. 69); which identifies him genealogically as the Walter, son of
Thomas, who himself left sons, John, Richard and Nicholas, as rehearsed in
DeBanco Roll, 4 Edw. IV, Hilary Term, membrane 484. It follows that it was this last
mentioned John who served the office of Sheriff of Kent in 7 Edw. IV (1468)
and was buried in Goudhurst, beside his father; being described on his tomb as
'Johannis Culpeper, militis obiit 22 December 1480’ (Weever, loc. cit.). It appears from an indenture
dated 4 January, 21 Henry VIII [1529/30] which has survived (Harl. Charter,
76 H 12) that Sir John8 left a will (otherwise lost) disposing of
his estates among two sons, Alexander and Walter, named respectively for
their maternal uncle, Alexander Clifford of Bobbing (thus introducing among
the Culpepers a name which was to appear in Virginia), and for their
grandfather, the Squire of Agincourt. These estates included the manors
acquired by the Bedgebury marriage (Bedgebury and Haselden) in Kent, an
inherited Culpeper manor (Wigsell) in Sussex, and certain lands in Essex
which Sir John had purchased; and the will in question divided them among the
two sons, the intention of the testator being that, despite the Kentish
custom of gavelkind, the elder should take all the lands in Kent, and the
younger those in Sussex and Essex. Wigsell,
which thus devolved upon Walter9 and was to be the seat of three
generations of his descendants, was at the time of the death of Walter's
father a manor 'holden by Knights service of the Lord of the Castle of
Hastings,' consisting of some 600 acres of plough and pasture, with as
much more of wood and heath, in the Sussex parish of Salehurst;
lying close under the southwestern border of Kent, not far from Bayhall and
Bedgebury. It was purchased in 1348 (Sussex Feet of Fines, 22 Edward
III) from Simon de Etchingham by Sir John Culpeper;5 whose heir,
Sir Thomas;6 records in his will
of 1429 (Harl. Ch., 80 H 27) that it was settled upon him on the
occasion of his first marriage. Wigsell was not yet a place of residence,
however: its original value lay in the supply of charcoal which its forest
cover provided for the iron smelting industry in which the Culpepers, like so
many of their neighbours in the Weald, were profitably engaged in the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (Victoria County History, Sussex,
ii, 241). At the death of Sir John,8 Wigsell must already have
been somewhat denuded and so of less value than it had been; but the title
was sufficient, nevertheless, to enable its inheritor to pursue the thrifty
practice of his ancestors and negotiate a marriage which established Culpeper
of Wigsell for a century and a half to come. With the founding of this house,
from which came the proprietors of -the Northern Neck of Virginia, we begin
our detailed examination of genealogical testimonies.
IX. Walter Culpeper (Sir
John8 of Bedgebury), 1475?-1515, of Calais and Wigsell, began life, like his grandfather, the
squire of Agincourt for whom he was named, as a professional soldier; but,
unlike his grandfather, he did not live to retire to his estates. The
earliest record of him is on the page of national history, at the very end of
his career. The Chronicle of Calais
(Camden Society, No. 35, p. 6) recites him in October, 1508 as under marshal
of that town, present at the treaty for the marriage of Mary, daughter of
Henry VII to the Duke of Burgundy, afterwards the emperor Charles V; and in
that capacity there was assigned to him at the beginning of the next reign
(July, 1509) a Crown tenement in Fisherstrete in Calais and an annuity of £
20 out of the revenues of the town. Two years later, in November, 1511, being
then recited a 'squire of the body' of Henry VIII, lie was granted also the
post of bailiff of the Scavage of Calais and the isle of Colne (L. &
P. Henry VIII, i, 47, 94, 298). His crowding hour came in August,
1513, when his young master was engaged in the invasion of France to assert
an outworn claim of inheritance of that realm, and it was Walter's fortune to
be left for the moment in responsible command of the garrison of Calais. The
chronicler Hall records (Holinshed iii, 580) that as the King lay before
Therouanne on the Flemish border, the captain of Boulogue made a night foray
on Calais seeking booty and to insult the invading English. Arriving with a
thousand men at the bridge which defended the causey leading to the town, the
Frenchman surprised the guard and captured the ordnance there mounted.
Retaining 600 men at the bridge 'for a stale' he then dispatched the
remaining 400 'into the marishes and meadows to fetch away the beasts and
cattle which they should find there.' Some of these foragers approached
so near the walls of Calais as to raise the alarm, whereupon "about five of the clocke in the morning the gate of
Calis, called Bullongue gate, was opened, and by permission of the deputie
one Culpeper, the under marshall, with two hundred archers under a banner of
Saint George, issued forth,' and 'set so fiercelie on that finallie the
Frenchmen were discomfited and four and twentie of them slaine, besides
twelve score that were made prisoners and all the ordnance and bootie again
recouered. These prisoners were brought to Calais and there sold in open
market." Walter9 died before
June 24, 1515 (when he was recited dead on the appointment of Sir H. Banaster
to his bailiffry, L. & P. Henry VIII', ii, 168), leaving a will
which bristles with as many old world weapons as a modern museum. He married in 1500(?) Anne,
daughter and heiress of Harry Aucher of Lossenham. in Newenden, co. Kent, The
marriage is shown on both the Culpeper and Aucher pedigrees recorded
at the Visitation of Kent, 1619, in Harl. Pub., x1ii, pp. 62, 181. Thereby
it appears that the Lossenham Auchers, here in question, were the senior stem
of an ancient Kentish family, of which the junior and persisting branch,
seated at Otterden (Hasted, ii, 501), also had ties with America. One
of them was the wife of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, the half brother of Sir Walter
Raleigh; another, Sir Anthony Aucher, whose mother was a daughter of
Archbishop Sandys, was a member of the Council for the Virginia Company (Brown;
Genesis, ii, 818). Their blood was brought to the colony by the
Lovelaces and Gorsuches (Va. Mag., xvii, 292; xxvi, 393;
xxviii, 285). Lossenham
lies near the Sussex border, a few miles southeast of Wigsell. It remained a
Culpeper property from this marriage until 1628, when (Hasted, iii, 78) it
was sold by Sir John13 (i.e., the first lord, not his grandfather
as implied by Hasted). 'Anne my wyff’ named
in the will of Walter9 completes her identification by the
reference to her father and children in her own will. Extracts from the 1532 Will of Anne
Culpeper If I happen to dye at Canterbury then I wyll my
body to be buryed at the frears there, and yf I happen to dye at Cranbroke
then I wyll my body to be buryed at the frears of Lossenham
besyde my ffather there buryed. To Wyllm my sone my weddynge rynge and all my
platte except my lyttle lowe salt wt the couer and vj my best
sponys which I wylle to my daughtr Anne Tooke. To my sone Wyllm
Colepeper all my stoke at Lossenham.
To every of the children of Elysabeth my daughter xls. She
mentions Francis, Anne, Constance, Katheryn and Mary the children of Thomas
Wylford, my goddaughters. To my daughter Culepeper ij of my best gownes.
Executor and residuary legatee my son Wyllm. All my manors and lands in
Newenden Rowynden
and Biddenden
to certain trustees to hold them to the use of my sone Wyllm and his
heirs--in default to the right heirs of Harry Ager, Esq., my father. and by her had: i.
Anne Culpeper living 1532, m. ? Tooke. As she was not named in Walter Culpeper's will of 1514, the
only testimony for her is the legacy in her mother's will of 1532 to 'my
daughter Anne Tooke.' There is no clue to her husband in any of the Kentish
Visitation pedigrees: certainly he was not of the family of 'Toke of Bere' in
West Cliffe. But the Sir Brian Tuke (spelled also Tooke and Tuck) who was
clerk of the Council of Calais in 1510 and later Secretary to Wolsey and
Henry VIII (D. N. B. re-issue, xix, 1252). while a Kentish man, acquired
lands, on which his descendants lived, in Essex (Morant, i, 407) ; and it
will be recalled that this Anne Culpeper's father also held lands in Essex
under the will of Sir John Culpeper11 Moreover Sir Brian Tuke's
father was a Richard Tuck, and the Wylford pedigree shows that a daughter of
'Anne Tooke's' sister married a Richard Tuck of a later generation.
Considering these evidences and the propensity of Kentish families (like
Virginia families) to marry cousins, it is possible that this was such a
marriage; and that 'Anne Tooke's husband was of the family of Sir Brian Tuke. ii.
Elizabeth Culpeper, d. ante., 1532, m. ante. 1514, Thomas Wy1ford of
Hartridge in Cranbrooke, co. Kent. She is named in her father's will (1514) 'my daughter
Elizabeth Welford,' and referred to in her mother's will (1532) as then dead,
by provision for 'the children of Elizabeth, my daughter… the children of
Thomas Wylford.' The m. was noted at the Visitation of Kent, 1619, not only
in the Culpeper pedigree but in that of the Wylfords (Harl. Pub., x1ii, 53,
61, 104). From the latter it appears that the James Wylford, who witnessed
his maternal grandmother's will in 1532, was that outstanding soldier, Sir
James Wylford (1516-1550), who distinguished himself at the battle of Pinkie
(1547) and subsequently withstood a notable siege at Haddington (D. N. B.
re-issue, xxi, 236; Froude, Edward VI, chap. ii). As a family, the Wylfords had several ties with Virginia. One
sister of Sir James in. Archbishop Sandys (see her MI. in Morant Essex,
ii, 34) and another in. Leonard Digges of Wooton, co. Kent, from whom
descended the Edward Digges of Belfield, York County, Virginia, Governor of
the colony, 1655-58, whose name was long a synonym for the best Virginia mild
tobacco, the 'E Dees' (Va. Mag., xvii, 292). It would be interesting
to prove a connection with these Wylfords of that Dr. Robert Wellford of
Fredericksburg, of the generation after the American Revolution whose
descendants have inter-married with Virginia families. See W. & M.
Quar., xi, I; x, 139. iii.
Thomas Culpeper, living, 1514, but o.s.p. ante., 1532. iv.
Anthony Culpeper, living, 1514, but o.s p. ante., 1532. They are both named in their father's will (1514) ; but not
in that of fheir mother (1532), which treats the youngest son, William, as
the heir. v. William Culpeper (1509?-1559) of Wigsell, of
whom presently.
X. William Culpeper
(Walter9 of Calais), 1509?-1559, of Hunton and Wigsell, born a youngest son, was named in his
father's will (1514) as 'my sonne Willm,' with provision to be 'founde
to schole.' That this injunction was carried out and that he was put
through grammar school, and sent thence to London to reside at either
Barnard's or Staple Inn, may be deduced from his admission to Grays Inn in
1530 (Foster, fo. 423).28 This would be the year he came of
age, when the deaths of his two elder brothers had already left him his
father's heir. This appears both from. the contemporary instrument (Harl. Charter,
76 H 12, already cited) which confirmed to William as 'son and heir' of
his father the dispositions of the will of Sir John8 in favor of
Walter9; and from his mother's will two years later. It may be that William Culpeper
began life as a practising lawyer. The earliest public record of him is not
in itself inconsistent with such an hypothesis. In 1538 he was included in
the long list of gentlemen enrolled as 'servants' to Henry VIII's servant
Thomas Cromwell, then Lord Privy Seal and at the dizzy height of his
prosperity; for he was not part of the household, but one of those who were
to attend only when called (L. & P. Henry V111, xiii, pt. 2, p.
497). The patronage resulting from this service was part of the contemporary
spoil of the monasteries. He had a grant of an annuity charged on the priory
of Christ Church at Canterbury, and on March 10, 1538/9, the seizing of the
lands of the dissolved priory of Lossenham, which his Aucher ancestor had
founded (ibid., xiv, pt. I, p. 224; xx, Pt. I, p. 324). It is significant that in all
these testimonies William10 appears only in relation to Kent. In
his grant of the priory of Lossenham he is, indeed, described as 'of
Hunton,' while his second son was listed at Winchester College in 1553
(Kirby, Winchester Scholars, 1888, p. 132) by the same qualification.
Thus it appears that on his marriage, which took place in 1530 as appears
from the record of the family settlement of that year, William10
established himself, not at Wigsell, but in the midst of the Kentish weald,
on the river Beult near its junction with the Medway. This was an eminently
agreeable place of residence, but Hunton was not
a Culpeper lordship. It was vested in the Wyatts of Allington (Hasted, ii,
229), a family which, like the Culpepers, later produced a Governor of
Virginia. In relation to the Wyatts,
William Culpeper achieved also his next appearance in a public record: for
when, in January, 1540/1, Sir Thomas Wyatt, the poet, was involved in
Cromwell's downfall and for some weeks was held a prisoner in the Tower,
William Culpeper was, on Wyatt's nomination, permitted by the Privy Council
to have the custody of Allington Castle (L. & P. Henry V111, xvi,
229). He did not, however, persistently follow their fortunes. Whether,
unlike his youthful kinsmen of Bedgebury and Aylesford, he remembered the
check his family had had in the reign of Edward II, whether he had never
accepted the break with Rome (three of his sons were named for saints), or
whether it was merely his fortieth year which counseled prudence, William was
loyal to Queen Mary's government in the crisis of 1553 and did not follow the
poet's son into 'Wyatt's rebellion.' His record then was that of an active
justice of the peace; at first in organizing police, and, after the danger
had passed, charged with the custody of sequestered estates (Acts P. C.,
1554-56) pp. 70, 85). In the course of this last duty William
moved his residence several times, which explains why his third son, Martin,
was entered at Winchester (Kirby, supra) as 'of Barfriston' in east
Kent. It follows that it was not until the very end of his life that William
settled down at Wigsell, where he made his will. He married in 1530, Cicely,
daughter of John Barrett of Belhouse in Alvethy, co. Essex, The
Culpeper family settlement of 4 January, 1529/30 (Harl. Chart., 76 H12,
already cited) provided for the holding of Wigsell by trustees 'to the use
of said Anne Colepepyr [widow of Walter9 for life; remainder to
said William Colepepyr and Cecele Barett, and the heirs of their bodies; in
default to said William Colepepyr in tail, in default to the right heirs of
said Sir Alexander Colepepyr [of Bedgebury].' This is testimony at once
that on the date of the charter of 1530 the marriage had been arranged and
was still to be consummated. In
the Culpeper pedigree returned at the Visitation of Kent, 1619, the bride is
described only as 'Cecelia, filia… Barrett,' but the Barrett pedigree
returned at the Visitation of Essex, 1612, which also certifies the marriage,
identifies the bride's father. The
Barretts, descended from a companion of the Conqueror (see the Visitation of
Essex, 1612, Harl. Pub., vol. xiii, 145), were long seated in Hawkhurst, co.
Kent (Hasted, iii, 72), but in 1397 one of them married the heiress of the
family of Belhouse in Essex and removed thither his residence (Morant, i,
78). His descendants were raised to the peerage by James I as barons Newburgh
of Fife after an intermarriage with the Falkland Carys. The
John Barrett of Belhouse, whose daughter married William10, but
who died in 1526, before that marriage was celebrated, is described by Morant
as 'applying himself to the study of the law, became eminent in that
profession.' His contemporary, John Leland the antiquary, in his Encomia
Illust. viror. (Works, 1774 ed., v, p. 107), vaunts his forensic
eloquence in latin verse: 'Sic tua sollicitos facundia rara clientes It
would seem, therefore, that it must have been the tradition of this John
Barrett, quite as much as the legal education of William Culpeper himself,
which was the inspiration of the procession of the Wigsell Culpepers towards
the Inns of Court. and by her had.29 i.
John Culpeper (1531-1612) of Wigsell, of whom
hereafter. ii.
Elizabeth Culpeper, m. John Wildigos of Iridge in Salehurst, co. Sussex. She is named in her father's will 'Elizabeth Wilgosse, my
daughter,' and was bur. in Salehurst, 1606, as 'uxor johannis Wildigos,
armiger.' Her husband appears in the Elizabethan records as the
colleague of his brother-in-law, John11, in the commission of the
peace and as church warden of Salehurst. For this family, long since extinct, see Berry, Sussex, and
Hodson, Salehurst. iii.
Anne Culpeper, married Simon Edolphe of St. Radigunds, co. Kent. She is named in her father's will, 'Anne Edolf, my
daughter.' The marriage is noted in the Edolphe pedigree certified at
the Visitation of Kent, 1663. For this family see the full pedigree in Misc.
Genealogica et Heraldica, N. S., iv, 169. iv.
Francis Culpeper (1538-1591) of Greenway Court, co. Kent, of whom
hereafter. v. Martin Culpeper (1540-1605) of Feckenham, co. Worcester, of whom
hereafter. vi.
Walter Culpeper (1541?-1616) of Handborough, co. Oxon, o. s. p. m. He is named in his father's will (1559) 'Walter Culpeper
my fourth son.' He seems to have been the first of his family to
matriculate at Hart Hall, Oxford, whence he graduated B. A. in 1569 (Foster).30
He was also of Grays Inn, 1565 (Foster) and later was included in the
commission of the peace of Oxfordshire. The other records of him are chiefly
in the parish register of Handborough, co. Oxon, where his brother Martin had
acquired an estate, as appears from his Will. Walter married 1st, 1571, Anne Dance, widow, of Mackney, co. Berks., The marriage bond, dated 13 Eliz. (printed in the Gentleman's
Magazine in 1797, lxvii, p. 645) recited his brothers John and
Francis as sureties, and was conditioned that Walter should 'well,
honestly and lovingly use and live with the said Anne as an honest man ought
to use and live with his lawful and good wyff,' or in default the said
Anne might 'sever herself from the said Walter ... whensoever it shall
please her.' and by her, who was buried at Handborough, April 1, 1580,
had Margaret, m. (at Handborough, 1599) Sir William Sandys of
Fladbury, co. Worc. 2nd, 1581, Mary, widow of George Holbrook of Newington in
Sittingbourne, co. Kent, s. p. The mar. lic. at Canterbury, June 26, 1581, describes him as 'Walter
Culpeper gent., ' and the m. is recorded in Harrietsharn register, June
29, 1581, simply as 'Walterus Culpep-Maria Hoolbroke.' She was buried
at Handborough, 1593. 3d Jane… s. p. As Jane Culpeper, she administered upon his estate (P. C. C.
Admon Act Book, 1616), and was herself buried at Handborough, 1636. vii.
Thomas Culpeper (1543-1603) of Wilmington, co. Sussex, o. s. p. He is named in his father's will (1559) as 'Thomas
Culpeper my fifth son,' and in the will (1581) of John Sydley of
Southfleet, as 'my brother-in-law, Mr. Thomas Colepepyr.' His mar.
lic. at Canterbury, December 17, 1579, describes him as 'of Hawkhurst,
gent.,' but he is named in the will of his brother, Francis (1590), as 'of
Willmington, Sussex, esquire.' He died, 1603, and was buried at
Wilmington, 'aged 60;' leaving a will which was proved as P. C. C. Bolein,
102. He married in 1579, Elizabeth, widow of John Gode of
London, but described in the mar. lic. as 'of Harrietsham.' His will
shows that he left no issue. His widow's will,
proved in 1604 as P. C. C. Stafforde, 54, shows that she had
children by her first husband, John Gode, `merchant taylor,' viz:
John Gode, 'of London, gent.;' Francis; Anne, wife of Cassian
Cooper; Katheryn, wife of Robert Hampson, Alderman of London; and Mary, wife
of John Leade, 'merchant taylor.' In 1643 one John Goode emigrated to Barbados and, before
1660, removed to Virginia, where he left numerous descendants. He is assumed
(Goode, Virginia Cousins, 1887, P. 24) to be of the family of John
Goode of Whitstone, co. Cornwall, M. P. for Camelford in 1604. These Culpeper
wills may be a clew to his more immediate provenance. viii
Richard Culpeper (1545?-post 1594) of Newton Longville, co. Bucks. He is named in his father's will
(1559) as 'Richard Colepepyr my vj (8th) son,' in that of John
Sydley of Southfleet (1581) as 'my brother-in-law Mr. Richard Colepepyr;' and
makes his next appearance in a mar. lic. at Canterbury, May 17, 1589, as 'Richard
Colepepyr gent. & Jane Steede, spr., dau. of... Steede of Harrison
[Harrietsham], co. Kent, gent.' His wife was a daughter by her first
marriage of Joan Pordage, the second wife of his brother Francis of Greenway
Court, thus celebrating the first of several Culpeper-Stede marriages. He is
not named in Francis' will
(1590), but appears in that of his wife's mother (1594) as 'my son Richard
Colepepyr' This is the last record of him alive, He left a son William, who is named in the will (1605) of Dr.
Martin11 as 'William Culpeper, son of my late brother Richard.'
This William12 was apprenticed in London as a skinner at
Christmas, 1605, 'aged 10 years,' and died in 1630, leaving a Will, P.
C. C. Scroope, 100, in which he named only a natural daughter. ix
Edmund Culpeper (1547?-post 1605). Canon of Lincoln, etc. He is named in his father's will
(1559) as 'Edmonde Culpeper my Vij th (9th) son.' Foster
records that he graduated B. A. Oxford, 1573 'from Hart Hall,' and
subsequently proceeded M. A. (1578) and B. D. (1585). He was canon of
Lincoln, 1581, and rector successively of Staplehurst, Kent (1585); of
Ashbury (1587); of Sunningwell (1590); and of Milton, Berks (1591). Although Col. Attree says (Sussex Archeological Collections,
xlvii, 63) that this Edmund 'apparently died unmarried' in 1591, he
was certainly still living in 1605, for he was named in the will of his
brother Martin in a bequest 'to my brother Edmond Culpeper, the first
advowson [he seems to mean presentation] of the parsonage of
Staplehurst, Kent, where Dr. Newman now dwelleth.' Culpeper of Barbadoes: As Edmund11 is the only one of
his generation for whom no conclusive genealogical evidence has been found,
it is possible, if not probable, that he was the father of the otherwise
unidentified William Culpeper, who (although he does not appear in the
published lists of either of the universities) was in February, 1628,
presented to the living of Wychling, co. Kent, by Sir Thomas Culpeper12
and Dr. William Stede as guardians of Cromer Stede (Foster), and is named in
the will of Sir Alexander Culpeper12 (1645) as 'my cousin
William Culpeper, minister of Wickling, or (if dead) to his wife or
children.' This William was licensed to marry April 29, 1633, as 'William
Culpeper clerk, M. A., parson of Wychling, bach. about 28 (i.e., born, 1605)
to Margaret, dau. of the worshipful Richard Allen, D.D., parson of Stouting,'
subsequently emigrated to Barbadoes [hence the uncertainty of Sir Alexander12
as to whether he was living, 1645] and there left descendants who still
persist in the West Indies and Natal (See Oliver, Monumental Inscriptions in
Barbados, 1915, p. 194, and Col. Attree's chart, 'Culpeper of Barbados'). If
he was a son of Edmund, he would be of Sir Alexander's generation and his
'cousin' as also a likely candidate for presentation to a living by his other
cousins of the same generation. Postscript by Warren Leigh Culpepper: I have discovered the
following baptismal record in the IGI
Index: William Colepeper: Christening 23 Dec 1605 at
Sunningwell, Berkshire, England; Father, Edmund Colepeper; Mother, Marye.
[Film no. 0088422] I believe this is conclusive evidence that William
was the son of Edmund, and the connection of the Barbados and English line is
thus proved.
Footnotes 27 As to the earliest generations of the
Culpepers, we have followed the reasoned and documented enumerations of Col.
F. W. T. Attree in his study of The Sussex Culpepers (Sussex
Archeological journal, xlvii, 47 ff.), which has superseded the
authority of the Culpeper pedigrees in Wykeham-Martin, Leeds
Castle, 1868. (Return) 28 So far as the surviving records show,
William10 of Wigsell was the first of the Culpepers to be enrolled
at any of the Inns of Court merely for education. Those of his name who
preceded him (and there were several, including Henry IV's judge) all made
careers as lawyers and were called to be serjeants, or at least 'ancients' of
their inns. (Return) 29 It is at this point that confusion begins
in the testimonies for the'Wigsell Culpepers.The return of Bedgebury at the
Visitation of Kent, 1619, carried their cousins of Wigsell to and including
the eldest son of William10, and there stopped abruptly. Intending
to bring this deduction up to 1619, the heralds subsequently made a note
(Stow M.S., 618) setting out all the sons of Wiffiam10 and
proceeding with the descendants of the eldest to and including his grandson,
Sir John13, whose identity is established by the entry of his two
marriages. But in tacking this extension to the visitation pedigree, some
successor of Stow assumed that the John and his brothers with which it began
were the sons of the last John entered on the visitation pedigrees; and in
consequence that sacrosanct genealogical authority, the Harl. Pub. (in vol.
x1ii) is guilty of the duplication of a generation at Wigsell. Meanwhile, Hasted also
contributed a red herring. Seeing that there was a superfluous generation
somewhere on the herald's pedigree, he eliminated one by stating (ii, 476)
that Sir John13 (afterwards first lord Culpeper) was son of John11.
Hasted's error, which was merely in the name selected for elision, has
persisted and propagated. On the revered authority of the 'prince of county
historians,' it was adopted not only by Wykeham-Martin and Cave-Brown, but by
specialists like Professor Firth and G. E. C. (including his latest editor,
Vicary Gibbs); and in the process reduced Alexander Brown to sterile
conjecture in his attempt to array the Culpepers in relation to the Virginia
Company. (Return) 30 As in the case of his eldest brother, the
educational records make it possible to distinguish this Walter1l
of the Wigsell family from another of the same name and generation. The
Oxford career of Walter1l. son of Thomas10 of
Bedgebury, is recorded by Foster as 'B. A. 1559, fellow of All Souls, B. C.
L. 1566’ He died unmarried in 1575 'of Burston' (P. C. C. Admon Act Book, 1575).
By enrolling at Hart (or
Hertford) Hall in Oxford, Walter of Wigsell set a precedent which was
thereafter numerously followed by his house. His older brothers had
matriculated at New College, going thence from Winchester on William of
Wykeham's twin foundation: but the tradition is that while New College was
building some of its students lodged at Hart Hall, an ancient adjacent
foundation on the site of the modern Hertford College; and so set a
precedent. This is probably the explanation of the Culpepers' resort thither;
for throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Hart Hall was vested
in Exeter College and was deemed a dependence upon it, and the Culpepers had
no interest in a west country foundation as such. Among the members of Hart
Hall in the seventeenth century were Hobbes, Clarendon, Walter, Sir Matthew
Hale, and Dean Swift. (Return) |
Chapter 2b
Wigsell
|
The Proprietors of the Northern Neck Chapter 2b
All the public testimonies for
him are in the acts of Queen Elizabeth's Privy Council ranging from 1558 to
1592. These show him an active Justice of the Peace, included in the quorum
of the Commission for the Rape of Lewes and the Cinq Ports of Sussex, in such
periodical correspondence relating to the routine of local government as made
up his father's public record also. The inquisition taken in 1614,
after the death of his eldest son (post), testifies that he made a settlement
of his estate in 1589 in lieu of a will, and died on October 20, 1612. He was
buried in Salehurst, October 21, 1612, as 'Johanes Colepeper, armiger,
etatis 82,' whence it may be deducted that he was born the year after his
parents' marriage. If there was an MI., it was destroyed in the desecration
of Salehurst Church during the Commonwealth. He married in 1560? Elizabeth,
dau. of William Sydley (or Sedley) of Southfleet, co. Kent, Before
the Sydleys flowered at the last Stuart courts in the persons of Sir Charles
Sedley the wit, and his historically well known dau., Catherine, Countess of
Dorchester (entered by Berry as having married James II!), they had had a
long history in Kent (Hasted, ii, 170). They rose to wealth, however, by the
industry of a younger son temp. Henry VIII, and thereafter
intermarried several times with the Culpepers. This particular marriage is
shown on the Sydley pedigree, returned at the Visitation of Kent, 1619, but
there is better evidence for it in the Sydley wills collected by Waters (Gleanings,
ii, 961, ff.). John
Sydley, grandfather of Elizabeth Culpeper, described himself in his long and
racy will of 1530 (P. C. C. Thower, 20) as 'oon of the Kinges
Auditours in His Exchequer, and Citezein and Stacioner of the Citie of London
and late Warden of the Crafte of Stacioners.' The son William named in
that will left in turn a will dated November 28, 1553 (P. C. C. More,
37), by which he devised 'to Elizabeth Sydley my daughter all my lands,
etc., in Frensbury, in Kent,' with a bequest of money and plate and the
injunction 'to my daughter Elizabeth, she to marry at her pleasure, by the
counsel of her aunt, my sister [i. e., Dorothy, described in her father's
will, before the dissolution of the monasteries, as 'a Norme in Dertford
Abbey'], and of John, my son, her brother, and to have meat, drink and
lodging till she be married or else be found in a good service.' That the
Elizabeth so named was married to a Culpeper prior to May 14, 1574, appears
from the reference to her in the will bearing that date (P. C. C. Pyckering,
5) of her brother Nicholas Sydley as 'my sister Elizabeth Culpeper;'
while the will of her brother John, whose counsel she was to take, dated
March 29, 1581 (P. C. C. Darcy, 31), completes the identification, in
a bequest 'to my natural sister, Elizabeth Colepepir, wife of the said Mr.
John CoIepepir, to make her a ring, ten shillings.' She
survived her husband and her eldest son as well, living in Newenden, i.e., at
Losenharn (as shown by her son's inq. p. m.), and was buried in Salehurst,
May 17, 1618, as 'Eliza, relict Johannes Culpeper, armiger. and by her had i
Thomas Culpeper, 1561-1613, of Wigsell, of whom
hereafter. ii
William Culpeper, 1562-1587, o.s.p. He matriculated at Hart Hall, Oxon, 1579, as 'of Sussex,
aged 17' (Foster), was admitted to the Middle Temple April 21, 1583, as '2d
son of John Colepeper of Wigsell, esq.' and was there recorded in 1584 an
'inner barrister' (Hopwood, i, 260, 285). He was buried in Salehurst
on January 29, 1586/7, as 'William the son of Mr. John Colepeper.'
That he died unmarried is a deduction from the lack of reference to children
by him in any of the succeeding family wills. iii
John Culpeper, 1565-1635, of Feckenham, co. Worc., of whom hereaf
ter. iv
Cicely Culpeper, married in 1586, Sir William Stede of Harrietsham, Co. Kent. The allegation for the mar. lic. at Canterbury, June 11, 1586
(Harl. Pub., xxv, p. 150) runs 'William Steed, gent., and Secilia Colepyr,
spr., of city of London, dau. of John Colepyr of Wiggessell co. Sussex,
gent.' The bridegroom was the eldest son, by her first marriage, of the
second wife of the bride's uncle, Francis11. of whom hereafter. v Sir Alexander Culpeper, 1570-1645, of Greenway Court, co.
Kent, o.s.p. He testified in his will that he was born in Salehurst, but
the loss of the parish register prior to 1585 leaves the date to a deduction
from his age at death. He was educated at the inns of chancery and was
admitted to Grays Inn, November 25, 1594, as 'Alexander Culpeper of
Wigsell, co. Sussex, gent., late of Staple Inn.' This would be when he
was twenty-four. His next appearance on the surviving record is 1603, when at
his marriage he was described as 'of Harrietsham, arm,’ (indicating
that he had established himself in the neighbourhood of the family of his
uncle, Francis Culpeper11 of Greenway Court, of which hereafter);
but is identified by the will of Thomas12 of Wigsell (1609) as 'my
brother Alexander Culpeper' On his marriage he went to live in his wife's
St. Leger dower house and thereafter is described as 'of Ulcombe'
whenever he appears in documents (e.g., in the allegation for the mar. lic.,
1636, of the youngest dau. of Thornas12 of Wigsell, noted post);
but after his wife's death in 1636 he removed to Greenway Court, and so in
his will described himself as 'of Greenway Court.' He was knighted by
James I, November 19, 1621 (Nichols, iii, 732), as 'of Kent.' The fullest record of him is in the dark days of the
Troubles, which overtook him in the decrepitude of age. He then gave a loyal
support to the Crown, with the result that his estate was sequestered. At a
hearing held after his death, at which his executors claimed the privilege of
compounding for his estate (Cal. Committee for Compounding, 1643-60, pt. ii, P.
1058), it was stated that he was 'never any house keeper,' that he had
been 'drawn down to Oxford and Bristol' in March, 1643, but 'never
bore arms,' being 'sick of a dead palsy,' and that he died at
Bridgewater with the King's army, in August, 1645, aged 75. A fine of 1550
was assessed and paid. He left an elaborate will, which, in its provisions
for all his nephews and nieces and their children, as well as others of the
connection, is the key to the tangled genealogy of the next generation of the
Culpepers. That will,
[was] evidently drawn at Oxford, and probably by his nephew Thomas13
of the Middle Temple. He m. 1603 Mary (who d. 1636), dau. of Sir Thomas Scott
(1535-1594) of Scotshall in Smeeth, co. Kent, and widow of Anthony St. Leger
of Ulcombe, co. Kent, who d. 1602. The allegation for the mar. lic. at Canterbury describes the
parties as 'Alexander Culpeper of Harrietsham, esq., and Mary Sentleger of
Ulcombe, widow: at Harrietsham; John Culpeper (i.e., his brother, later
of Feckenham.), of London, gent. bonds.' The mar. is recorded: in
Harrietsham. parish register, December 7, 1603, by the same description
translated into latin; in the pedigree of Scott of Scotshall, certified at
the Visitation of Kent, 1619; and in Mr. E. Y. St. Leger's documented
Stem.mata St. Leodigaria (1867) in Wykeham-Martin, Leeds Castle; finally she
was buried at Ulcombe April 23, 1636, as 'Domina Maria Culpeper, uxor
Alexander Culpeper, militis'. These interesting families, of Scott of
Scotshall and St. Leger, implicit at once of the history of Kent and of
Virginia (Cf. Brown, Genesis, ii, 990, 996), are fully
discussed biographically in D. N. B. Mary Scott had four sons and a dau. by her first husband, but
no children by Sir Alexander Culpeper. Her eldest son was that Sir Warham St.
Leger (1579-1632) who commanded his own ship in Raleigh's Guiana expedition
of 1618 and in consequence of the losses then incurred was obliged to sell
Leeds Castle. See post. Of his thirteen children recorded in the Stemmata
St. Leodigaria, the three youngest are of special interest to Virginia,
viz: (11) Ursula St. Leger, m. Daniel Horsmanden, parson of
Ulcombe, whose son, Warham. Horsmanden, emigrated to Virginia, was a member
of the Council in 1657 and married his dau.. (widow of Samuel Filmer) to the
first William Byrd of Westover (See Va. Mag., xv, 315; xx, 295, and
Dr. Stanard's Byrd pedigree in Bassett, p. 446); (12) Katherine St. Leger, who was adopted by Sir Alexander
Culpeper12, and, as rehearsed post, married his nephew, Thomas
Culpeper13 of Feckenham, one of the proprietors of the Northern
Neck named in the charter of 1649, and was the mother of Frances Culpeper,
wife of Sir William Berkeley, Governor of Virginia; (13) Mary St. Leger, married William Codd of Pelicans in
Waterinbury, co. Kent, whose son, St. Leger Codd, emigrated to Virginia and
in 1671 was resident in the Northern Neck (Va. Mag., xxiii, 382, x,
374).
XII. Thomas Culpeper (John11),
1561-1613, of Wigsell,
was probably born at Wigsell (his younger brother, Sir Alexander, testifies
in his will that he was there born), but the evidence is lacking; the record of
the surviving Salehurst register begins only with the burials of this
generation. As a consequence, the proof of the date of his birth rests on his
matriculation at Hart Hall. Oxford, in 1579, as 'of Sussex, aged 19'
(Foster). He was admitted 'generally' to
the Middle Temple, April 21, 1583, as 'son and heir of John Culpeper of
Wigsoll, Sussex, esq.,' and in May, 1596, was still in residence; but,
being then recorded after thirteen years as no more than an 'inner
barrister,'32
it is apparent that he had not pursued the law with the intention of a
professional career (Hopwood, i, :260, 366). It was this Thomas12
who inaugurated his family's interest in Virginia. The explanation is patent. During
the period of his residence at the Middle Temple that ancient college was a
centre of the discussion, translated into action, of the voyages which lead
to the English colonization in America. It suffices to cite the Middle
Templars of this period whose names are on the American bead roll. Richard
Hakluyt the elder, Sir John Popham, Walter Raleigh and his captains, Philip
Amadas, Ralph Lane and Bartholomew Gosnold, were all members of the Society,
as of a younger generation were George Percy, Richard Martin and the Ferrars
(Bidwell). Our Thomas12 was undoubtedly in commons when Sir
Francis Drake dined there in 1586 to be congratulated on his safe return from
his voyage around the world, as he and his brother John must also have been
in 1593 and 1594, when similar visits were paid by Frobisher and Hawkins.
More than that, these Culpepers were members of the family connection of the
sons of Archbishop Sandys who took the lead in the Virginia Company; while
Thomas12 whetted his own appetite for colonial speculation by his
marriage in 1597 with the daughter of a great London overseas merchant. It was against such a background
that Thomas Culpeper of Wigsell and John Culpeper, later of Feckenham, became
subscribers to and members of The Treasurer and Company for Virginia
under the second charter of May 23, 1609 (Brown, Genesis, i, 218; ii,
869); and it was with those subscriptions, made forty years before the date
of the first Northerh Neck charter in which the subscriber's respective sons
were to be named, that the history of the Northern Neck proprietary may be
said to begin. There is no further public
testimony for Thomas12, but his personal record is amply
documented. He died September 18th and was buried in Salehurst, September 19,
1613, as 'Tho. Colepeper, armiger,' leaving a will, followed
by an inq. p. m. He married. 1st, 1597, Anne,
daughter. of Sir Stephen Slaney (1524-1609), Alderman of London, Sir
Stephen Slaney was one of the most picturesque of the Elizabethan Merchant
Adventurers. Son of John Slaney, of Mitton, co. Stafford, but of a Shropshire
family reputed to be derived from Bohemia (Visitation of Shropshire,
1623, Harl. Pub., vol. xxix), he went up to London to make his fortune and
there embarked in the Mediterranean trade as what was later styled a Turkey
merchant. On one occasion he was taken at sea by the Turks and had to
sacrifice his entire fortune in ransom, but soon got on his feet again. In
1583 he was one of the committee appointed by the Merchant Adventurers of
London to confer with Captain Christopher Carleill 'upon a Voyage
intending to the uttermost parts of America,' but it does not appear that
thereafter he took part in the plans for the colonization of Virginia. In
1584 he was chosen alderman and served the office of Sheriff, and in 1595 was
Lord Mayor. He died in December, 1608, leaving a will dated August 2. 1598,
and proved January 3, 1608/9 (P.C.C. Dorset, 5). His widow, Margaret,
survived until 1619 and left a will dated October 12, 1612, followed by a
codicil dated July 20, 1618, which were proved May 24, 1619 (P.C.C. Parker,
42). These
Slaney wills are the clews to the identification of the father of the first
Lord Culpeper. That of Sir Stephen (1598) rehearses two daughters, including 'Anne,
wife of Thomas. Colepepper, esq.' and that of his widow (1619) recites: Whereas my son-in-law, Mr. Thomas Colepepper is lately
deceased much indebted, and hath left his son and heire, Slanye Colepepper
my-grandchild, a ward: and hath not left neither said Slanye Colepepper, nor
John Colepepper his brother, nor Elizabeth Colepepper, his sister, being also
my grandchildren, so sufficiently advanced as I did expect that he should
have done. Anne
Slaney was buried in Salehurst, February 26, 1600/i, as 'Ann Colepepper,
uxor Thomae, armigeri.' and by her had: i
Elizabeth, 1598?-1683, married in 1620 Sir Robert Brooke of Cockfield Hall in
Yoxford, co. Suffolk. The identification with the Elizabeth named in the will of
Dame Margaret Slaney is clinched by the mention of 'my sister Lady Brooke'
in the will of the first Lord Culpeper and by the biographical funeral
sermon preached by Lady Brooke's chaplain, Nathaniel Parkhurst, in 1683 (Cf.
D. N. B., re-issue, ii, 1328). ii
Slaney, 1599-1618, o.s.p. His first appearance on the surviving record is in the will
of his father (1609) as 'my eldest son [when he] comes to the age
of xxiiij years.' He is first named in the will of his maternal
grandmother (1612) as 'Slanye Culpeper one of the sons of my dau. Anne
Culpeper dec;' which is followed by the reference in one of his father's
codicils (1613) to 'my sonne Slaney Culpeper' In his father's inq.
p.m. (1614 it is stated that 'Slany Culpeper esq. is his son and heir by
said Anne... and was 14 years, 10 months and 18 days at his father's death
[September 18, 1613]. Finally, he is named in his grandmother's codicil
(July, 1618), written a few months before his death, in the language already
quoted. He matriculated at Hart Hall, April 26, 1616, as 'of
Sussex, aged 17' (Foster); and was admitted to the Middle Temple,
February 6, 1617/18, as 'Mr. Slanye, son and heir of Thomas Culpeper, of
Wigsell, Sussex, Esq. dec.' (Hopwood, ii, 625). That he died at Lossenham (in Newenden) unmarried,'December
12, 1618, leaving his brother John his heir appears from the inq. p.m. iii John, 1600-1660, first Lord Culpeper, of
whom hereafter. Thomas Culpeper married, second,
1605, Mary, daughter of Roger Beeston, of Lon, don, and widow of Francis
Gibbon, Her
husband's will (1609) refers to her as 'my now wife... Mary,' and to 'her
mother Baistone.' The other evidence for her is her will (LINK),
from which it appears that she survived until 1661, living in Frittenden, co.
Kent. and by her had: iv
Mary, 1606, ob. unmarried. She was baptised in Salehurst, August 10, 1606, as 'Maria
Culpeper filia Thomae, armigerl,' but is not further identified. The
language of her father's will, supplemented by the fact that she is not named
in her mother's will, indicates that she died in infancy, and was probably buried
in Hawkhurst or Newenden. v
Thomas, 1607, ob. infans. The entry in the Salehurst register of his baptism, December
13, 1607, is 'Thomas Culpeper filius Thomae armigeri, permissione
baptisatus fuit, ecclesia de Haukehurst;' but he was buried in Salehurst,
December 30, 1607, as 'Thomas Culpeper filius Thornae, arm.' vi
Filia, 1608. The Salehurst register records the burial, December 5, 1608,
of 'filia Thomae Culpeper arm. inbaptizata.' vii
Cicely, 1610-1620, unmarried. She was baptised in Salehurst, July 8, 1610, as 'Cicelie
Culpeper filia Thomae, arm.' and buried there January 17, 1619/20 as
'Cicely Culpeper filia. Thomae, esq.' viii
Anna, 1611-post 1660, married in 1636 Thomas Scott of Smeeth, co. Went. The Saleburst register records the baptism, November 10,
1611, of 'Anna Culpeper filia Thomae, arm., permissione baptizata erat
apud Hawkhurst.' Her next appearance is in a mar. lic. at Canterbury,
October 7, 1636, viz: 'Thomas Scott of Smeeth, bach. about 21 son of
Robert S. of same, who consents & Ann Culpeper of Frittenden, virgo. who,
her father being dead, is now under the government of Sir Alexander Culpeper
of Ulcomb, Knight, who also consents.' The marriage was recorded among
the Scotts of Scot Hall at the Visitation of Kent, 1663. Her mother's will
names 'Thomas Scot... and my dau. his wife,' indicating that she
survived her mother.
Footnotes 31 The other three were (i) the John who was
admitted to the Inner Temple from Barnard's Inn in 12 Henry VIII 0520) and
appears on the Inner Temple records until 1553, when he was 'pardoned all
offices' (Inderwick, Inner Temple Records, i, 54, 66, 16q, 244). We
take him to be the John10 of the Bedgebury family; (2) the John, whom Foster
enters as 'of Kent, Hart Hall, 1569, aged 14,' whom we take to be the john'l
of Bedgebury; and (3) John1l of the Aylesford family, who was admitted to
Grays Inn, 1553, and died 1561, leaving a will (P. C. C. Streat, 5). (Return) 32 Cf. T. Denton's report in 1545 to
Henry VIII on the Inns of Court: The whole company and fellowship of learners is divided into
three… degrees:... Benchers... Utter barristers, and Inner Barristers. Utter
barristers are such that for their I ' earning and continuance are called by
the Readers to plead and argue in the said house doubtful cases and
questions... and are called Utter Barristers for that they, when they argue
the said Motes, sit uttermost on the formes which are called the Barr; and
this degree is the chiefest... in the house next the Benchers. All the
residue of learners are called Itmer Barristers, which are the youngest men |
Chapter 3a
Hollingbourne
|
The Proprietors of the Northern Neck Chapter 3a
Just before it cuts through the
chalk of the North Downs to drain the Weald of Kent into the estuary of the
Thames, the river Medway is fed at the shire town, Maidstone, by a westward
flowing stream called the Len. The narrow valley of this stream separates the
Downs from the parallel ridge of Lower Greensand (known locally as 'the
Quarry,' because it is the site of the beds of limestone which are worked as
'Kentish Rag') and so opens to the traveller the most ancient of the trade
routes leading inland from the English channel. 33 On the orchard-clad slopes of the
upper end of this valley lies the hundred of Eyhorne, made up of the parishes
of Harrietsham, Hollingbourne, Bromfield and Leeds; including, with the
manors from which the parishes took their names, those of Greenway Court and
Elnorthing. During 'great Eliza's days' most
of these lands were, and long had been, vested in the St. Legers of Ulcombe;
but the protracted and uncompensated Irish service of those stalwart soldiers
gradually wore down their fortunes until they were compelled to sell their
Kentish lands manor by manor. In that process the St. Legers were steadily
superseded by the Wigsell Culpepers. It was a succession, characteristic of
the beginning of the seventeenth century, of men of the robe to men of the sword. Having acquired the St. Leger
lands in the Len valley, and finding them good, the Culpepers abandoned their
long inherited seats of Wigsell and Lossenham and concentrated their family
life on their new acquisitions. Their monuments and records which survive in
Hollingbourne show how they were justified in this decision: for by
persistent intermarriage with the neighbouring territorial families of
Pordage of Rodmersham; Stede of Harrietsham; Cage of Bersted; Wyat of Boxley;
Filmer of East Sutton; Harlakenden of Woodchurch; Clarke of Wrotham; Scott of
Scots-hall; and with the St. Legers themselves, they became, during the
flowering period of their history which we have now reached, the locally
dominant factors of the part of Kent in which their ancestors first made
their appearance as simple retainers of a lord of Leeds Castle. The opportunity to accomplish
this was created by one of William10 of Wigsell.
XI. Francis Culpeper
(William10 of Wigsell), 1538-1591, of Greenway Court, was named in his father's will (1559) as
'ffraunces Culpeper, my second son,' after he had already begun his career.
Entered at Winchester School at the age of 13, he secured, in 1553, an
appointment as a Scholar on the foundation, being recorded of 'Hunton, Kent'
(Kirby, Winchester Scholars, 1888, p. 132). Thence he went on as an
approved Wykhamist to New College, Oxford, where he was in residence
from 1558-60 on a scholarship of that foundation. But, unlike his younger
brother Martin, who thus far had emulated his career, Francis now abandoned
the shades of Academe and, as the New College record has it, resigned his
scholarship, and 'contulit se ad studium juris regni.' He may have betaken himself to
Clements Inn, where his eldest son later pursued preliminary law studies, but
Francis11 is not himself enrolled as a member of any one of the
Inns of Court, nor is there other record that he followed a professional
career; indeed, there is nothing more to testify for him at all until, in his
thirty-fourth year, he took up his residence in Kent in the vicinity of the
Hunton manor house of his boyhood. The baptism of his second son
(1573) and the burial of his first wife (1574) at Harrietsham indicate that
it was in 1572 that he inaugurated his family's landholding in the Len
valley, by purchasing from his 'cousin,' Sir Warham St. Leger, the manor of
Greenway Court.34
There he maintained his residence for twenty years, and thence he was buried,
in Hollingbourne, June 1, 1591, as 'ffraunces Culpeper, generos.' His
youngest son subsequently erected for him and his second wife the first of
the Culpeper M.I.'s in Hollingbourne church, as follows: 'Franciscus
Culpeper de Greeneway Court Ar(miger) Filius S(e)c(un)dus Willemi de Wigsell,
et Joanna uxor ejus, Filia Joh(ann) is Pordage de Rodmersham, Ar(miger),
expectant hic adventum D(omi) ni et properari orant. Ille. ultimo Maij A. D.
1591, aetat 53, Illa, xxmo Martij A. D. 1597 aetat 60, in coelum rediit.
Exiguum. hoc officii et amoris ergo posuit Thomas unicus iis communis filius;
et eorum piae et integrae vitae memoria suae, et suis exemplar vivat
precatur.' His will dated
May 20, 1590, and proved November 22, 1591. He m. 1st, 1567? Philippa, 'dau.
and heir of . . . of Hinckstead. The
christian name appears from her burial at Harrietsham, July 7, 1574, as
'Philippa, uxor Francisci Culpep'.' The description quoted above is that
given in one of the Rowe More Kentish pedigrees (B. M. Add. MS. 5528,
fo. 176). No other identification has appeared. and by her had i
John (1568-1607) of Folkington, co. Sussex. He matriculated at Hart Hall, Oxford, November 18, 1586, as
'of Kent, aged 17' (Foster) ; and was described in his father's inq. p.
m., October, 1591, as 'son and next heir, of the age of 23 years and
more.' On March 12, 1593/4, he was admitted to the Middle Temple as 'Mr. John
Culpeper, late of Clements Inne [was he a contemporary of justice Shallow?35],
gent., son and heir of Francis C., late of Hollingbourne, Esq., deceased'
(Hopwood, i, 339). By his will (P.C.C. Windebank, 30) proved in 1607,
he styled himself 'of Fogington.' By his wife, who was a Scott of Seven Oaks
(an aunt of that George Scott who was a diligent 'private member' of the
Virginia Company to its end. Cf. Brown, Genesis, ii, 996) and
with whom he had Folkington, he left issue which persisted for three
generations and became extinct in 1693 with John Culpeper of Riverhead in
Seven Oaks, co. Kent. For this family see the pedigree of 'Culpeper of
Fogington,' recorded at the Visitation of Sussex, 1633-34; the wills P.C.C. Coke,
136; Duke, 130; and Coker, 100; and the case of Culpeper
v. Wigg, 1679, in Chancery Reports temp. Finch, 426. ii
Walter, 1573-1595, o.s.p. He was baptized in Harrietsham, November 2, 1573, as
'Walterus filius Francisci Culpep'; and is named both in his father's will
and in that of his father's widow, the latter indicating that he was living
in March, 1594/5. The visitation pedigrees enter him as 'slayne in Holland,'
and it seems likely that he died fighting under Sir Francis Vere, perhaps in
the wild foray on Crudenburg on August 22, 1595 (See Markham, The Fighting
Veres, 214). 2d, Joan, 1574, dau. of John
Pordage of Rodmersham, co. Kent, and widow of William Stede of Harrietsham. For
Pordage of Rodmershain (near Sittingbourne and only a few miles north of
Greenway Court) see Hasted, ii, 593; The Genealogist, vi, 76. For
Stede of Harrietsham, with whom the Wigsell Culpepers several times
intermarried in consequence of this alliance of Francis11, see the
pedigree returned at the Visitation of Kent, 1619 (Harl. Soc. Pub., xlii,
71) and Berry's continuation in his Kent. One of these Stedes, whose
mother was a Culpeper, served in America as Governor of Barbados. Joan
Pordage was buried in Hollingbourne, April 7, 1598, as Joane Culpeper, vidua'
and left a
will, which combines genealogical material of the Stedes and
Culpepers. and by her had iii Sir Thomas (1575-1661) of Hollingbourne, of
whom presently.
XII. Sir Thomas
Culpeper (Francis11 of Greenway Court) 1575-1661, of
Hollingbourne, called 'the elder.' He was baptized in Harrietsham, December 8, 1575, as
'Thomas, filius Francisci Culpep'. On October 15, 1591, he matriculated at
Hart Hall, Oxford, 'aged 16' (Foster) ; and on May 15, 1594, was entered at
the Middle Temple as 'Mr. Thomas, third son of Francis Culpeper, late of
Hollingbourne, Kent, esq., deceased' (Hopwood, i, 343). He commenced
parliamentman soon after he came of age, and is shown by the Official
Returns of M. P.s 1878 to have been successively burgess for Rye (1597),
Winchelsea (1601), Chippenham, co. Wilts (1614), and Tewkesbury, co. Glouc.
(1628). He was knighted by James I, September 19, 1619 (Nichols, Progresses
of James I, iii, 568). In 1621 he presented to parliament, and
subsequently published, a Tract against the high rate of Usurie in
which be argued for a reduction of the legal rate of interest from 10% to 7%
(D. N. B. re-issue, v,:287; Wood, Athenae Oxon, iii, 533, where his
parliamentary activities are confused with those of the first Lord Culpeper).
This tract, supplemented by a similar argument by Francis Bacon in 1625,
resulted in the act of 21 Jac. I, c. 17, reducing the rate of interest to 8%:
but he kept up the fight for 6% and reprinted his tract in 1642 (It was
subsequently reprinted also in 1668, both by his son and as an appendix to
Sir Josiah Child's well known Discourse on Trade; and in 1754 was
translated into French). For these public services Cambridge University
created him M.,A. in March, 1635/6 (Venn, i, 431). Having by his marriage greatly
enhanced his paternal estate, in 1623 he purchased from his cousin Sir John,
later first Lord Culpeper, the ancestral seat of Wigsell and settled it upon
his eldest son, Cheney; and in 1632 purchased Leeds Castle also, and settled
it upon his two surviving sons in tail male. During the Troubles he 'stood for
his King' and while 'never in arms' was deemed by the Parliament a malignant;
and, despite the interest of his eldest son, was required to compound for his
estate, paying on April 30, 1646, the large fine of £1318 (Cal. Committee
for Compounding, ii, 1235, 1289). The last record of him is a
petition to the Crown immediately after the Restoration for a lease of the
profits of a sinecure post 'to him and his youngest son, to repair the ruin
of his family by their loyalty' (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1665-66, p.
143, where this petition, being undated, is doubtfully attributed to 1665.
The reference to the 'youngest son' is evidence that the petitioner was Sir
Thomas 'the elder' and so the petition must have been made before his death
in January, 1661/2). After his wife's death he rebuilt
and dedicated to his family an ancient chapel at, the east end of the north
aisle of Hollingbourne Church, which he embellished with monuments. There he
was buried January 27, 1661/2 (recorded in the parish register as 'Sir Thomas
Culpeper, Knight') but although he had composed MI.'s for all his family,
there was none to perform that office for him. His will. He m. 1600 Elizabeth (1582-1638),
dau. of John Cheney of Guestling, co. Sussex. She
was the heiress of the junior branch of the ancient family of Cheney of
Shurland, co. Kent, for which see Suckling, Suffolk, i, 104 Horsfield,
Sussex, 468; Fuller, Worthies, i, 525; Cave-Brown, Story of Hollingbourne. She
was buried in Hollingbourne Church, October 30, 1638, as 'Elizabeth, the
virtuous Lady of Tho. Culpeper, Knight and there her husband erected the
notable tomb which, with its recumbent effigy, emblazonment of arms and
elaborate MI. is, to the genealogist, one of the most satisfactory of such
records extant. That MI. is as follows: Elizabeth uxor Thomae Culpeper, Militis, Filia unica et
haeres Johannis Cheney de Gestlinge, in Comit. Sussex, Ar (miger) 27 die
Octobris Anno D(omi)ni 1638, aetat 56, in Coelum rediit Optima Foemina, vere
pia, fidem operibus manifestans, magni ingenii et cogenitionis plusquam
muliebris, omnium virtutum cultrix studiosissima, humilitatis admiratrix;
Optima Conjux, Optima Mater, cujus eximiae virtutis memoriam hoc quoque exili
amoris pignore semper lugens maritus suis commendat. Beata haec foemina marito suo peperit filios tres; Cheney
primo, genitus, qui Elizabeth-am Johannis Stede de Harrietsham Militis filiam
uxorem duxit; Franciscum, qui juvenis obiit; Thomam natu minimum: filias
octo, Paulinam natu maximam, Gualtero Harlackenden, de Woodchurch, Armigero
nuptam; Elizabetham quae mitis et modesta Virgo obiit; Juditham, Johanni
Culpeper, Militi, Cancellario et Sub-Thesaurario Scaccarii et serenissimo
Regi Carolo a Consiliis Prevents; Joannam Gulielmo Cage de Bersted Ar
(migero) ; Ceciliam Radulpho Freke de Allington in Thornham Ar(migero) ;
Mariam Gulielmo Clarke de Wrotham Ar(migero) Franciscam Gulielmo Freke de
Hannington, Ar(migero), nuptas, et Philippam natu mimmarn Elizabethae moribus
et morte sororern et consortem; quae matris in aegritudine Londini famulans
quinto post die in Coelum secuta est. and by her had i
Sir Cheney, 1601-1663, of Leeds Castle, o.s.p.m.s. He was baptized in Hollingbourne, July 15, 1601, as 'Cheanye,
filius Thomae Culpeper;' matric. at Hart Hall, November 6, 1619, 'aged 17'
(Foster) ; admitted to the Middle Temple, May 7, 1621, as 'only son' of his
father (Hopwood, ii, 662). When he came of age in 1623 his father purchased
Wigsell for him from Sir John13, afterwards first Lord Culpeper
(Close Roll 21, Jac. I, pt. 26). Knighted by Charles I, September 8. 1628, at
Farnham (Metcalfe, p. 189), on July 9, 1629, he was sent to the Hague to
carry a letter of condolence to the Queen of Bohemia on the death of her
eldest son (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1629-31, pp. 7, 509). In October, 1632, he m., in London, his cousin Elizabeth,
dau. of Sir John Stede of Harrietsham (the marriage license read 'The Rt.
Worshipful Sir Cheney Culpeper, Kt. bach., 28, and Mrs. Elizabeth Steede,
spr., 18, her parents being dead, consent by Lady Steede, her mother-in-law,
and Dr. Steede, her uncle,' Harl. Soc. Pubs., xxiii, .208; xxvi, 308).
His first three children were baptised in Harrietsham. During the Troubles, alone of his family, he adhered to the
Commonwealth. On October 21, 1651, the Council of State voted to restore
Leeds Castle to him as 'the proprietor, a gentleman well affected to us' (Cal.
State Papers, Commonwealth, xvi, 589). Meanwhile, in August, 1650, he had
been appointed one of the Commissioners for regulating Trade, and in June,
1659, served also on the Commission for the Militia of the City of
Westminster (Acts and Ordinances of the Interegnum, 1642-1660, ed.
Firth, ii, 403, 1290). Although during the remainder of his life he was known
as 'of Leeds Castle' (e. g., on the pedigree of his daughter's husband 'Cage
of Bersted,' returned at the Visitation of Kent, 1663), he was ruined by the
Restoration, and when he died in 1663, without a will, his estate was
administered by his creditors (P.C.C. Admon. Act Book, 1663, and
again, 1691, d.b.n.). He was buried in the Temple Church 'at the
entrance into the north isle the second of April, 1663 (Inderwick, Inner
Temple Records, iii, 445). His widow survived until 1674, when her
will (P.C.C. Bunce, 74) was proved. His only son, Thomas, was baptised in Harrietsham, March 9,
1636/7, and buried in Hollingbourne on February 8, 1637/8. He had also four
dau. of whom the youngest m. her cousin german, Sir William Cage of Bersted. ii
Paulina, 1603?-1625, m. 1617 Walter Harlakenden (1603-1628) of Harlakenden in
Woodchurch, co. Kent. She was not baptised either in Harrietsham or Hollingbourne
and so perhaps was born in London. Her first appearance is, therefore, in her
mar. lic. at Canterbury, June 14, 1617, 'Walter Harlackenden of Funstall and
Paulina C. of Hollingbourne, virgo. at Hollingbourne or elsewhere in dioc.
Cant.' The Hollingbourne register records the m. June 16, 1617, 'Mr. Walter
Harlaccenden, generosus, and Pelina Collepeper;' the baptism October 4, 1624,
of 'Thomas, the s. of Walter Harlackenden, Gent.;' and the burials, November
26, 1625, of 'Paulina, the wife of Mr. Walter Haerlackenden, ' and December
20, 1628, of 'Walter Harlackenden, Esq.' While owning property in Kent, the Harlakendens were a family
long established in Essex. See their full pedigree in Topographer and
Genealogist, i, 228, 395; ii, 215, where it appears that it was the son
of Paulina Culpeper, whose baptism is recited above, who (as noted infra) m.
Philippa, dau. of the first Lord Culpeper by his first marriage. iii
Elizabeth, 1605?-1626, unmarried. She was 'the meek and modest virgin' of her mother's MI., and
was buried in Hollingbourne, September 10, 1626, as 'Elizabeth Culpeper.' iv
Judith, 1606-post 1651, m. 1631 Sir John
Culpeper, later first Lord Culpeper, of whom hereafter. She was the first of her family to be baptised in
Hollingbourne, June 1, 1606, as 'Judethe Colepeper, filia Thome Colepeper,
gener.' v
Joan, 1607- , m. 1637 William Cage of Milgate in Bersted. Her only entry in the Hollingbourne register was her baptism,
August 16, 1607, as Joane, filia Thome Culepepper.' She m. in London, under
lic. from the bishop of that diocese, December 2, 1637 (Harl. Soc.,
xxvi, 232), reading 'William Cage of Milgate, wid. 30, & Joane Culpep.,
dau. of Sir Thos. C. of Hollingbourne., Spr. 27.' This first Cage-Culpeper m. was not shown on the Cage
pedigree returned at the Visitation of Kent, 1663-64; apparently because Joan
o.s.p. Her husband's son, Sir William Cage, who m. Cicely, dau. of Sir
Cheney Culpeper, was born of his first m. with Susan, dau. of Sir J. Cage of
Stow, co. Camb. vi
Francis, 1608-1610, ob. infans. Both baptism and burial are in the Hollingbourne register. vii
Cicely, 1610-1651, m. 1636, Ralph Freke (1596-1684) of Aldington in Thornham,
co. Kent. Her entire career is in the Hollingbourne register. Baptised
October 10, 1610 as 'Sisle Colepeper, filia Thomae Colepeper, generosus;' she
m. August 18, 1636, as 'Ralphe Frieke, Esq. and Cicely, the dau. of Sir
Thomas Culpeper, Knight by licence;' and was buried January 6, 1650/1, as
'Cisly Ferke, wiffe of Ralfe Ferke.' An MI. was subsequently erected by a
granddaughter (Cave-Brown, p. 35). Ralph Freke's grandfather was that Robert Freke of Shoroton,
co. Dorset, who was many years Auditor of the Treasury under Henry VIII, and
died leaving what was later termed 'a plum,' i.e., £100,000. His father was
the Sir Thomas Freke, M.P. from Dorset, who was named one of the Council for
Virginia in 1607, and was later a member of the Virginia Company (Brown). He
settled the manor of Hannington, co. Wilts, jointly upon two younger sons,
viz: this Ralph and William, infra (See The Family of the Frekes in
Sir Thomas Phillip's Middle Hill collections). On his m. Ralph established
himself in the neighborhood of Hollingbourne. Of the four daughters of this m. the third, Frances, b. 1644,
m. George Norton of Leigh near Bristol, and appears in Clarendon's pages by
reason of the shelter she gave Charles II during his escape in 1651 after
Worcester fight (Rebellion, vi, 528). A dau. of this Norton m. was
that Grace, wife of Sir Richard Gethin, to whom MI.'s were erected not only
in Hollingbourne but in Bath and Westminster abbeys by reason of a 'curiosity
of literature' which Isaac D'Israeli (ii, 270) recorded. The story is
elaborated by Cave-Brown, p. 31 ff. viii
Mary, 1612- m. Sir William Clarke, of Wrotham, co. Kent. She was baptised in Hollingbourne, January 3, 1611/12, as
'Marie Colepeper, filia Mr. Thomas Colepeper;' and m. there also, January 7,
1635/6, as 'Mr. William Clarke and Mrs. Mary Cullpeper, by licence.' Her husband, descended from a baron of the Exchequer temp.
Henry VI (Hasted, ii, 239), and, through his mother, who was a Stede, from
John Culpeper11 of Wigsell, was a true 'Kentish Sir Byng.'
Clarendon (Rebellion, iv, 504) records his death at Cropredy
Bridge on the Cherwell in Oxfordshire, June 29, 1644, aet. 36, when in a
glorious victory 'we lost two colonels, Sir William Boteler and Sir William
Clarke, both gentlemen of Kent, of fair fortunes, who had raised and armed
their regiments at their own charge and were both killed dead upon the
place.' A younger brother of this Sir William, shown on the Clarke
pedigree certified at the Visitation of Kent, 1619, as 'John aet. 5, 1619,'
died in Virginia, 1644, when Edward Wyatt administered upon his estate (W.
& M. Quar., iii, 37) ix Frances,
1613-1682, m. William Freke (1605-1656) of Hannington, co. Wilts. She was baptised in Hollingbourne, October 3, 1613, as
'Frances Colepeper, filia Thomas Colepeper,' and died in London, 1682, where
her estate was administered as 'Frances Freke, widow' (P.C.C. Admon Act
Book, 1682). x
Philippa, 1615-1638, unmarried. She was baptized in Hollingbourne, March 14, 1614/15,
as 'Philipe Colepeper, tlie daughter of Thomas Colepeper;' and the same
register, recording her burial November 4, 1638, as 'Philippa, daughter of
Tho. Culpeper, Knight,' confirms the mention of her upon her mother's MI.,
for that burial was five days after that of her mother. xi
Sir Thomas, 1625-1697, of Hollingbourne, called 'the younger.' He was baptised in Hollingbourne, November 3, 1625, as
'Thomas Culpeper, s. of Sir Thomas Culpeper,' and matriculated at University
College, Oxon, April 27, 1640, 'aged 14,' being almost
contemporaneously elected to a fellowship of All Souls; from which the
Parliamentary commissioners ejected him in 1649 (Foster). He proceeded B.A.,
February 8, 1643/4, and M.A., May 26, 1653. Meanwhile, on December 1, 1647,
he was 'specially admitted' to the Middle Temple as 'Mr. Thomas, second son
of Thos. Culpeper of Hollingbourne, Kent, Knt.' and on November 22, 1661,
'Sir Thomas Culpeper [was] called, of grace, to degree of the Utter Bar'
(Hopwood, iii, 958, 1167). The last entry shows that he was knighted by Charles II soon
after the Restoration, but he is not recorded by LeNeve or Shaw. After his father's death he retired to Hollingbourne and
devoted himself to editing, republishing and enforcing his father's works
against usury, publishing, incidentally, Moral Discourses of his own
(See the bibliography in Athanae Oxon, iv, 447; D. N. B. re-issue, v,
287). In 1679 he was appointed a Deputy Lieutenant for Kent and
served that office until 1693, when his commission was withdrawn in
consequence of his tory politics (Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1679-80;
1693). He was buried in Hollingbourne, September 27, 1697, as 'Sir
Thomas Culpeper, Kt.' and left a will which was proved as P.C.C. Pyne, 274. He married: 1st, 1661, a lady who is recorded only as Dame Dowse
Culpeper, who died s.p.s. (Cf. baptism of her child, July 25,
1662, at St. Paul's Covent Garden, London (Harl. Soc., xxxiii); her
own burial in Hollingbourne, August 5, 1662, and the adm. on her estate
P.C.C. Admon. Act Book, 1667). 2d, 1663, Alicia (1639-1730), daughter of Sir William
Culpeper (1588-1651) of Aylesford (The mar. lic. December 18, 1663, ran, 'Sir
Thomas Colepep', Kt. of Hollingbourne, co. Kent, widr. about 35 & Mrs.
Alicia Colepep' of Aylesford, spr. about 24, consent of mo. Dame Helen
Colepep) and by her had several sons and daughters, including Frances
(1664-1740), who m. John, third Lord Culpeper, and William (1665-1727), the
promoter of the Kentish Petition of 1701 heretofore noted. From this William14 descend the persisting
Colepepers (as they once more spell the name) represented by Frederick Henry
Colepeper20, of Brockley, living 1903. In 1628 the attraction of this family of Sir Thomas12
drew also to Hollingbourne the head of his house. Thereupon Wigsell ceased to
be the designation of this branch of the Culpepers, and for a generation they
were practically unanimously 'of Hollingbourne' or its immediate
neighbourhood: which brings us back to the descendants of Thomas12
of Wigsell.
33 The archeological artefacts found in the
Len valley prove that that geological trough was a British trade route long
before the Romans opened their Watling Street to the north of it, That it
againbecame a main travelled road in Saxon times, leading to the port of
Hythe, is proved by the location of Leeds Castle. Still later, the 'Pilgrims
Way' and a railway successively followed it. (Return) 34 Greenway Court, from which the sixth Lord
Fairfax derived the name of his wilderness lodge in Virginia, still stands,
close at the foot of the North Downs, on the boundary line of Harrietsham and
Hollingbourne. Some of the old masonry dates from the fourteenth century, but
the house has been several times rebuilt. Hasted says (ii, 466) that it
"was formerly esteemed a manor, the mansion of which was a seat of good
account." Originally held by a family called Greenway, the estate came
into the possession of the Crown and was settled by Henry VIII upon the Dean
and Chapter of Canterbury, of whom it was held by the St. Legers, Culpepers
and Fairfaxes successively until 1758, when Robert, seventh Lord Fairfax,
alienated the leasehold to the banker, Sir Francis Child. Although the manor
of Alnorthing was usually held with Greenway Court, the latter was in itself
never more than a dwelling house and curtilage. Sir Alexander Culpeper12
describes it in his will (1645) as "11 acres and no more," As
-appears from the text, the house, though modest according to modern
standards, or when compared with Leeds Castle, was occupied in turn by every
branch of the Wigsell Culpepers, during an hundred and eighty years, and was
always held by that family in high esteem and affection as a comfortable
refuge from a cold world, where a tradition of old hospitality and a simple
family life might be maintained in dignity. (Return)
35 "I was once of Clements Inn: where I
think they will talk of mad Shallow yet... The very same day did I fight with
one Sampson Stockfish, a fruiterer, behind Gray's Inn. Jesu! Jesu! the mad
days that I have spent" (2 Hen. IV, act iii, scene 2). (Return)
|
Chapter 3b
Hollingbourne
|
The Proprietors of the Northern Neck Chapter 3b
XIII. Sir John
Culpeper (Thomas12 of Wigsell), 1600-1660, first baron Culpeper of
Thoresway (First Lord Culpeper), (Also see article from
Britannica On-Line) was baptised in Salehurst, August 7, 1600, as
'Johanes Colepeper, filius Mri Thomae, armigeri'; was named by his maternal
grandmother, Dame Margaret Slaney in her will (1612) as 'my godson John C.
another of the sons of my dau. Anne C.,' as well as in her codicil (May,
1618) in the language already quoted; and, in the inq. p.m. of Slaney C.13
(May, 1619) appears as 'John C. his only brother and heir, and heir of the
body of said Thomas by Anne his wife; and is at taking of this inq. under
:21, viz: 18 years, 9 months and 9 days and no more.' He matriculated at Oxford from
Hart Hall, April 26, 1616, as 'of Sussex, aged 15' (Foster) and was admitted
to the Middle Temple, February 6, 1617/8, as 'Mr. John C., second son of
Thomas C. of Wigsell, Sussex, deceased (Hopwood, ii, 625). Having become, by
the death of his elder brother in December, 1618, 'primi sternmatis
Wigsellensis' (as he later described himself on the MI. of his first wife),
he was knighted by James I at Theobald's, January 14, 1621/2 (Nichols, iii,
751). Clarendon36
testifies that he 'never cultivated the muses.' If he ever had any intention
of pursuing a career at the bar in the tradition of his uncle, John of
Feckenham, he abandoned it when he became 'of Wigsell.' Being just of age as
he was knighted, and having no home ties, he forthwith prepared to spend
'some years of his youth in foreign parts and especially in armies, ' and to
that end liquidated his property. He had inherited his father's
share in the Virginia Company and had already taken a part in the politics of
that society (in April, 1623, he allied himself with the Warwick faction,
Brown, Genesis, 982), when at the court held May 7, 1623, 'Mr. Deputy
propounded the passing of One Share from Sir John Culpeper to Mr. ffreake of
the Middle Temple, gentleman' (Records of the London Company, L. C.
ed., p. 412). In the same year, 1623 (Close Roll, 21 Jac. I, pt. 26) he sold
Wigsell to Sir Thomas C.12 to be vested in his eldest son, Cheney.37
It would thus seem that Sir John must have left England in the autumn of 1623;
for there is no further record of his until October, 1628, when he.
contracted his first marriage. It was accordingly after five years of
soldiering in the wake of Gustavus Adolphus that, as Clarendon says, 'in very
good season and after a small waste of his fortune' he returned to England,
'retired from that course of life and married and betook himself to a country
life.' He now established himself in Hollingbourne (he describes himself 'of
Hollingbourne' in his mar. lic., 1631, and is so described again in the
Commonwealth act of 1650, and, under the influence of Sir Thomas12,
commenced politician. To quote Clarendon again, his school was county
affairs, 'the business of the country and the concernments of it, in which he
was very well versed: and being a man of sharpness of parts and volubility of
language he was frequently made choice of to appear at the Council board in
those matters which related to the country, in the managing whereof his
abilities were well taken notice of.' The result was that he was returned (Official
Returns of M. Ps. 1878) to the Short Parliament (1640) as burgess for Rye
(Cinq Port). In the Long Parliament he was Knight of the shire for Kent and
made his celebrated speech against monopolies (Rushworth, iv, 133). The remainder of his career is
part of the history of England. His fundamental conservatism soon drew him
into opposition to the crescent 'reforming party.' In the small company of
Falkland and Hyde he stood at last by the bishops and against the Grand
Remonstrance; with the result that all three were invited by Charles I to
join the government. On January 2, 1642, Culpeper was sworn of the Privy
Council and appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer, which office he exchanged
the following year for that of Master of the Rolls. Notwithstanding these
dignities, 'as his courage was always unquestionable,' when war came he did
service also in the field: at Edgehill (Keinton) he charged with Rupert's
cavalry, acquitting 'himself like a brave man-at-arms,' and at Newbury again
'enobled his Gowne with Martiall Achievements.' For the example of these
acts, as well as his service in the Council Chamber, the King raised him to
the peerage in 1644;38
but in so doing 'did much dissatisfy both the court and the army.'
Clarendon's own comment (Rebellion, v, 4) is that 'though he did
imprudently in desiring it, did deserve it.' In 1645 he became, with Hyde, a
member of the Council set up in the west of England for the Prince of Wales;39
and eventually escorted his young master from Cornwall to Scilly. Thence
Culpeper left to join the Queen mother in Paris: and so began his long wanderjahr
on the continent. During the exile, the future
fortunes of Culpeper's family were shaped by two lawyer-drawn papers. On
September 18, 1649, he and his cousin-german Thomas Culpeper (son of John12
of Feckenham) were included in the patent which created the proprietary of
the Northern Neck of Virginia;40
and in 1651 the Commonwealth by act of Parliament (Acts, 1651, c., 10)
declared forfeited and ordered sold all the manors and estates of 'Sir John
Culpeper, late of Hollingbourne in the County of Kent, Knight:' a description
which was intended for an insult by disregarding the warborn peerage. Culpeper survived to take part,
at the age of sixty, in Charles II's entry into London. After that dramatic
'ride in triumph through Persepolis' he was destined for a large part in the
restoration government (see Ranke's comment on him) ; actually he assumed his
function as Master of the Rolls (swearing in, in that capacity, his old colleague
Hyde as Lord Chancellor), and for some weeks sat regularly at the Council
board. But in June of the restoration year he fell ill, while he 'lay' at
Hartinge, co. Sussex, in the house of his friend, Sir Edward Ford, whose
daughter his dead son Alexander, had married. Weary after more than ten years
of exile, he planned here a settlement of his disordered estate. His English
property had been sequestered and sold and he was deeply in debt. 'He used to
say,' his son reported later (Gent. Mag., lxvii (1797) p. 477)
'that the usurer and he were not yet even; for he had only scratched the
usurer, the usurer had stabbed him.' He was, however, comforted by a promise
from the King of a grant sufficient to put his house in order; and, quite
unconscious of the part that promise was to play in the history of Virginia,
died on July 11, 1660 [the date is on his MI.], having made the following will. It does not appear from the
Hollingbourne register that he was buried there, but in 1695 two of his
children then surviving erected in Hollingbourne church a monument with the
following MI.: 'To the lasting memory of John, Lord Culpeper, Baron of
Thoresway, Master of the Rolles and Privy Counsellor to two Kings, Charles
the First and Charles the Second. For equal fidelity to the King and Kingdome
he was most exemplary. And in an exile of above ten years was a constant
attendant and upright Minister to the Prince last mentioned. With him he
returned tryumphant into England on the 29th of May 1660; but died the 11th
of July next following in the 61st year of his age to the irreparable loss of
his family. He commended his soul to God his faithful Creator, and ordered
his body here to expect a blessed Resurrection. His Patent of Honour from
King Charles the First dated the 21st of October 1644 may serve
for his immortal Epitaph. Part whereof is here below faithfully copyed from
the Latine original & translated into English: [the latin text, which
follows, is here omitted] 'Whereas our well beloved and most faithful Counsellor John
Culpeper Kt. Mr. of the Rolles of our Chancery, of the Antient and Noble
family of the Culpepers in our Counties of Kent and Sussex many ages past
renowned for persons of eminent ability both in War and Peace, hath given us
signall testimonies of his approved Loyalty, singular Manhood, and profound
judgment; who, in that never to be forgotten Battell of Keinton, where both
our own and the publick safety were manifestly at stake, being then
chancellor of our Exchequer, acquitted himselfe like a brave man-at-arms;
who, at Newberry, and on other occasions always enobled his Gowne with
Martiall Achievements; and lastly, who, in our most perilous junctures by his
seasonable and solid Counsells hath been a principal support of our Crowne
and Dignity, &c.' 'By his wife Judith, daughter of Sir John (sic) Culpeper of
Hollingbourne Kt. he had 7 children that survived him, Thomas, later Lord
Culpeper, John now Lord Culpeper, Cheney, Frances, Elizabeth, widow of James
Hamilton Esq. late Groom of the Bedchamber to King Charles the Second,
Judith, and Philippa. Of these John Lord Culpeper and Elizabeth Hamilton,
equally zealous of expressing their Duty, have on the 10th day of June in the
year 1695 erected this Monument.' He m. 1st, 1628, Philippa
(1610-1630), dau of Sir George Snelling of West Grinstead, co. Sussex. The
m. was October 29, 1628, at St. Bodolph, Bishopsgate, London (Harl. Soc.
Pub., vol. 50), as 'Sir John Culpeper, Knt. & Mrs. Philip, dau. of
Mr. Geo. Snelling of West Grinstead, Sussex,' and is recorded in the pedigree
of Sherley of West Grinstead (of which family she was heiress), reported at
the Visitation of Sussex, 1633-34 (Harl. Soc. Pub., vol. 53, pp. 4,
119; Cf. Fuller's Worthies, 1840, iii, 254). She
was buried in Hollingbourne, September 16, 1630, as 'Phillip, the wife of Sir
John Culpeper, Knight;' and there was set up the following MI.: 'In memoriam Philippae filiae unicae Georgii Snellinge,
Equitis Aurati, et Ceciliae, filiae et unius heredum Thomae Sherley,
armigeri, uxoris Johannis Culpeper, Ordinis Equestris, Primi Sternmatis
Wigsellensis, cui cum duos fiberos, Alexandrurn et Philippam, care-emptam,
peperisset, animarn Creatori redidit, xvi die Septembris, Anno salutis,
MDCXXX, Aetatis suat XX.' and by her had: i.
Alexander, 1629-1649, m. 1648 Catherine (1634-1682), dau. of Sir Edward Fokd
of Harting, co. Sussex, o.s.p.,v.p. The record of his baptism is lacking, but he is named in his
mother's MI.; and in the will (1645) of his great uncle, Sir Alexander
Culpeper12, is described as 'Alexander C. my godson, eldest son of
John, Lord Culpeper, Baron of Thoresway.' He m. at Calais, September 8, 1648
(his wife being 12 years of age and he 19) and died in London, March 2, 1648/9
(G. E. C. Complete Peerage). As a consequence, he is not mentioned in
his father's will (1660) ; but on January 4, 1664/5, his widow (then wife of
the son and heir of the Lord Grey of Warke) made a final record by taking out
admon. upon his estate, viz: 'Honourable man Alexander Culpeper of [blank] in
co. Kent, but died in Drury Lane, Middlesex, Esquire, to relict Katherine
wife of Ralph Grey, Esq.' (P.C.C. Admon Act Book, 1664). ii.
Philippa, 1630-ante. 1660, m. Thomas Harlakenden (1625-1689) of Harlakenden
in Woodchurch, co. Kent. Named in her mother's MI., the only other testimony for her
is the record among the Harlakendens (Topographer and Genealogist, i,
228; Cf. Wykeham-Martin, Leeds Castle, p. 176) of her m. to the
eldest son of Paulina, dau. of Sir Thomas Culpeper the elder (See ante.).
As she is not mentioned in her father's will, she may have died during the
Commonwealth. 2d, 1631, Judith (1606-post
1651), dau. of Sir Thomas Culpeper (1578-1661) of Hollingbourne, called 'the
elder.' The
mar. lic. at Canterbury, January 12, 1630/1, read 'Sir John C. of
Hollingbourne, Knight, wid. & Judith C. same parish, virgo., about 22
[She was baptised June 1, 1606, as noted, supra], dau. of Sir Thomas
C. of said parish, Kt., who consents... at Huckinge [i.e., the church lying
above the North Downs, about 3 miles from Hollingbourne].' In
May, 1651, 'Dame Judith Culpeper' appeared before the Committee at Goldsmiths
Hall to attempt to secure release of some of her husband's estate (Cal.
Com. Compounding, 1643-60, pt. ii, p. 1289) and a few weeks later had a
pass to go to France (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1651, p. 527). There
she joined her husband, and, as she is not referred to in her husband's will,
must have died before the Restoration. and by her had iii.
Elizabeth, 1632, ob. infans. She was baptised April 3rd and buried April 9, 1632, in
Hollingbourne as 'Elizabeth, dau. of Sir John Culpeper, Knight.' iv.
Thomas, 1633, ob. infans. He was baptised December 29, 1633, and buried August 25,
1634, in Hollingbourne as 'Thomas, sonne of John Culpeper, Knight.' v. Thomas, 1635-1689, succeeded as second Lord Culpeper, of
whom hereafter. vi.
Elizabeth, 1638-1709, m. 1661 James Hamilton, Groom of the Chamber to Charles
II. She was baptised in Hollingbourne, January 4, 1637/8, as
'Elizabeth Culpep', daughter of Sir John Culpep' and Dame Judith, his wife;'
and was named in her father's will as unmarried, 1660, with provision for her
portion. Her m., 1661, is noted in Collins Peerage, ed. Brydges, 1812,
ii, 527, to record the fact that her son succeeded as sixth earl of Abercorn.
In 1695 she recorded herself on her father's MI. as 'Elizabeth, widow of
James Hamilton, late Groom of the Bed Chamber to King Charles the Second,'
and was buried in Hollingbourne, February 6, 1709/10, as 'the Honourable
Elizabeth Hamilton.' She had acquired in 1698 the manor of Chilston, co.
Kent, and it was there that she died, aet. 72; and was succeeded by her younger
son, William, who m. a dau. of Sir Thomas C.13 of Hollingbourne,
and d. 1737, having served the office of Sheriff of Kent (Hasted, ii, 435). vii.
Judith, 1638-1691, unmarried (She did marry. See note below). She was baptised in Hollingbourne, September 28, 1638, as
Judeth, the dau. of Sir John Culpep' and Dame Judith, his Lady,' is named in
her father's will (1660) and, finally, was buried in Hollingbourne, November
21, 1691, as 'the Honourable Judith Culpeper.' She remained in England during her father's long exile (Cf.
the reference to her in June, 1654, in Cal. Clarendon State Papers,
ii, 377), and employed her time in embroidering the elaborate decorations
which are still in use in Hollingbourne church. Hasted (ii, 471) describes
her work as 'a. most superb altar cloth, a pulpit cloth and cushion of purple
velvet, ornamented with different figures of fruits, of pomegranet and
grapes, wrought in gold, the needle work of the daughters of Sir John
Colepeper... who employed themselves for almost the space of 12 years in the
working of them during their father's absence abroad with Charles II.' Alone of her family, she kept on friendly terms with her
brother, the second Lord Culpeper (Cf. her letters in Notes and
Queries, 2d Series, ii, 130, 177) ; and it was to her that he addressed
his letter from Boston in 1680 (Va. Hist. Reg., iii, 189). Her name
appears in the State Papers several times after 1675 in the family
controversy over the 'Six Clerks' place,' of which hereafter. Postscript by Warren Leigh Culpepper: At age 53, two years prior to
her death, the spinster Judith married her second cousin, Alexander
Culpeper, Surveyor General of Virginia, who was 58 and a bachelor. The
marriage was on 19 Dec 1689 at St. Mary Magdalene Church, Old Fish Street,
London. viii.
John, 1641-1719, third Lord Culpeper, o.s.p. He was baptised in Hollingbourne, March 4, 1640/1, as 'John,
sonne of Sir John Culpeper, Knt. and Dame Judith his wife; had a pass to go
to France with his brothers in 1651 (Cal. State Papers, 1651, P. 529) ; and
was named in his father's will (1660) as 'my son John,' with injunction to
'make his brother Thomas his executor in case he die under 21 or unmarried.'
After the Restoration he had a commission as lieutenant in the navy (Cal.
State Papers, Dom. 1673, pp. 202, 435) and during the Dutch wars was, as
his MI. recorded 'in four sea fights.' He subsequently engaged in a bitter
controversy with the second Lord Culpeper over some patronage which Charles
II had intended for the benefit of the first Lord Culpeper's younger children
(See infra) ; in consequence of which he was himself appointed in 1681
to the profitable post of one of the Six Clerks in Chancery (Cal. State
Papers, Dom. 1681). In 1689 he succeeded as third Lord Culpeper and precipitated
the attacks on the estate of his elder brother which are rehearsed infra but,
being unsuccessful in recovering more than a small annuity, had difficulty in
maintaining his dignity as a peer. He left no will, nor was there any
administration. He m. his cousin Frances (1664-1740) dau. of Sir Thomas
Culpeper the younger, of Hollingbourne; died s.p.; and was buried in
Hollingbourne, July 22, 1719, as 'the Rt. Honourable John, Lord Colepeper.'
There his widow set up the following MI.: 'In hopes of a blessed Resurrection to Eternal life, near
this place lyeth the body of the Right Honourable John, Lord Colepeper, Baron
of Thoresway, in the County of Lincoln. He was the best of Friends and the
best of Husbands. He was in four Sea-Fights, wherein he behaved with great
Courage & Bravery, having his Cabin shot to pieces and his Commanding
Officer kil'd. He attended the House of Lords 18 years constantly, with a
very small fortune, where he always behaved with steadiness for the good of
his King & Country. He resigned his soul to God the 8th of July, 1719,
and ended his days with Resignation and Piety. He married Francis, eldest
daughter of Sir Thomas Colepepper, of this place, by whom he had no issue... 'The Right Honourable Francis, Lady CoIepeper erected this
Monument to show the great Respect she had to the Memory of her Husband,
John, Lord Colepeper.' ix.
Cheney, 1642-1725, fourth and last Lord Culpeper, o.s.p. He was baptised in Hollingbourne, September 6, 1642, as
'Cheney, sonne of the right honourable Sir John Culpeper, Chancellor of the
Exchequer, and Dame Judith his wife;' and went to France with his brothers in
1651. In the roaring days of the Restoration he killed an officer of the
guards with a blunderbuss and was pardoned only because he was brother to a
peer. In 1667 he was called to the Bar (Inderwick, Inner Temple
Records, iii, 49). The only other records of him are that, surviving his brother
John, he was buried in Hollingbourne, June 19, 1725, as 'Cheney, Lord
Culpeper,' and was included in John's MI. by the following notice (omitted supra)
: 'He left one Brother, Cheney, who succeeded him in Honour, a
Gentleman of great worth and fine Accomplishments, who survived his brother
till the year 1725, and then died in his retirement at Hoffron St. John,
where he had lived many years; by which this branch of that most antiente and
Knightly family became extinct.' x.
Philippa, 1650-1719, unmarried. She was baptised in Hollingbourne, February 14, 1649/50, as
'Dame Phillip Culpeper, daughter of the Rt. Hon'ble John Culpeper, Baron of
Thoresway, and Dame Judith his wife;' and is named in her father's will with
provision for her education until 18. In 1675 she was brought into the family
controversy over the 'six clerk place' (Cal. State Papers, Dom.,
1675-76, p. 294), but there is no further record of her until her death. She
was buried in Kirby Cane Church, co. Norfolk, and her will was proved as
P.C.C. Shaller, 132. xi.
Francis, 1652-1663, o.s.p. He is the only one of his generation of whom there is no
record in Hollingbourne. Evidently born abroad after his mother had rejoined
her husband for the exile, he made his first appearance in his father's will
as 'my son Francis,' with recitation of a settlement which was to be
ineffective 'if he die under 21.' He was then entered at Westminster School;
where the name F. Culpeper' is inscribed on one of the monumental lists of
Captains of the School between 1653 and 1682 (Welch, Queen's Scholars of
Westminster, 1852; p. 532). He was buried in the cloisters of Westminster Abbey, November
1. 1663, as Francis Culpeper, one of the King's scholars' (Chester, Westminster
Burials, Harl. Soc. Pub., x, p. 159, where Col. Chester conjectures that
he was a son of the second Lord Culpeper). His name was not included in the list of children surviving
their father on the first Lord Culpeper's MI.; but as that record was not
made until 1695, it is apparent that Francis' survivorship had then been
forgotten.
36 The first Lord Culpeper is one of
Clarendon's celebrated 'characters,' in Life (1927 ed.), i, 106 ff.
See also Rebellion, passim, and Sir Philip Warwick, Memoirs, p.
195. His many letters to Hyde are in Cal. Clarendon State Papers, vol.
i, passim. The best modern biography is that by a specialist on the
'Troubles,' Prof. C. H. Firth in D. N. B., re-issue, iv, 749. (Return) 37 After having been a Culpeper possession for
300 years, Wigsell passed, in the ruin of Sir Cheney Culpeper's estate, to
one who had been 'table boy under the Colepepers whom at length he bought
out.' Ultimately, it came to a branch of the Harcourt family and is now the
residence of Lord Edward Cecil of the Egyptian service. The house has been
several times rebuilt and so now bears little relation to its appearance when
the Culpepers possessed it (See Hodson, Salehurst). (Return) 38 As Baron Colepeper of Thoresway, co.
Linc. See the quotation from the patent in his MI., quoted post. While
there were Culpepers in Lincolnshire in the fifteenth century, it does not
appear that the Wigsell Culpepers had any inheritance from them (Lincolnshire
Notes & Queries, x, 37). Thoresway was a royal manor in the
wolds of Lincolnshire, attached to the Duchy of Lancaster (Allen, Lincolnshire,
1834, ii, 207) and was granted to Lord Culpeper to support the dignity of his
peerage. See the references to it in Cal. Committee for Compounding,
v, 3277: and in the proceedings to settle the estate of the second Lord
Culpeper, quoted post. (Return) 39 There is a highly coloured and
entertaining glimpse of Culpeper at this time (when he was 46 years of
age) in the following letter of Sir Richard Grenville to Lord Ormonde, which
f ell into the hands of the Parliament and was published in London as a
pamphlet (The King's Pamphlets, E, 333, British Museum) to show the
disorganization of the royalists, viz: 'Right Honourable... I am now at
Nantes in France, and about to depart hence towards Italy for the war against
the Turk... Hopton flying into Cornwall with his men dispersed several
wayes... The News thereof made the Prince command the Earl of Branford and
Lord Culpeper, with all speed, to meet the Lord Hopton and Lord Capel at
Wadebridge, nigh the heart of Cornwal, to advise on affairs for the safety of
the West (I think to shut the stable door when the horse was gone) ; but
Culpeper in his haste and way, finding some Gentlemen merry and drinking in
Penrin town, he would needs make one amongst them, and so did, till night
came; and then Bacchus prevailing, Culpeper's eloquence displeased Mr.
Slingsby, by which grew a quarrel betwixt them two onely, and at bare
fistycuffs they were a good space, till the company parted them; and then
Culpeper and Slingsby, in the moonshine, got them into the garden, and like
two Cocks at the end of a Battel, not able to stand well, offer'd and peck'd
at one another, till the weight of Slingsbie's head drew him to the ground;
which advantage Culpeper took hold of, and by it got Slingsbie's sword; and
then like St. George, made more such triumphant flourishes over Slingsby,
then a German Fencer at the beginning of a Prize; but by good fortune, the
rest of the associates came in, and easily persuaded the Duellists to end the
quarrel by the cup again; which service continued till the next day, with
divers and several bouts at fistycuffs. The next day (about ten of the clock)
they having red Herrings and mustard for Breakfast, Culpeper again gave
Slingsby distaste, whereon he threw a dish of mustard at Culpeper's face
(taking his Nose for a red Herring) ; which procur'd another grievous
incounter, in such sort, that the market people (to part the fray) thronged
the house full, whereby that also was taken up, and the saucy Lord fain to
get his mustard-Face, Eyes, Beard, Band and Coat wash'd; and about four of
the next evening, Culpeper rid on in his hasty journey to overtake the Lord
of Branford, who rid chasing & staying for him above twenty four hours in
his way. Such a Privie-Councellor will soon finish his Masters businesse one
way; preferring his own delights before the important businesse that concerns
the safety of the Prince &c. This story is indeed very true in every
particular, and so I leave it with you and depart. Your
Lordships humble Servant 40 The original Northern Neck charter of
1649 is now in the British Museum as Additional Charter, 13585. The
grantees therein named were 'our Right trusty and well beloved Ralph, Lord
Hopton, Baron of Stratton; Henry, Lord Jermyn, Baron of St. Edmund's Bury;
John, Lord Culpeper, Baron of Thoresway; Sir John Barkeley; Sir William
Morton; Sir Dudley Wyatt; and Thomas Culpeper, Esqr.' There were several
changes in the personnel of the proprietors before the second Lord Culpeper
bought them all out, as recited post. The second charter (Patent Roll 21,
Car. 11, pt. 4, No. 6, Cf. Am. & W. L, 669-74, p. 22) recited that
on May 8, 1669, 'said Lords Hopton and Culpeper, Sir Dudley Wyatt and
Thomas Culpeper are dead, said Lord Hopton [having] conveyed all his estate
and interest in the premises to John Trethewy [whereby] all said premises
[are] vested in said earl of St. Albans [the Jermyn of the charter of 1649]
John Lord Berkeley, Sir William Morton and John Trethewy.' St. Albans and
Berkeley were both parties to the conveyance to Culpeper in 1681, but Sir
William Morton's interest was then represented by his son, Sir James (Cf.
D. N. B. re-issue, xiii, 1065), and that of John Trethewy by his younger
brother and heir, Anthony (Cf. Visitation of Cornwall, p. 498). (Return) |
Chapter 3c - Hollingbourne
|
Portrait reproduced by kind permission of the Trustees of the Leeds Castle Foundation. |
XIV.
Thomas Culpeper (John13, first Lord Culpeper), 1635-1689, of Leeds
Castle, second Lord Culpeper,
was a large figure in the colonial history of Virginia, who has fared
ill at the hands of the historians.41
He undoubtedly had parts incompatible with the mere courtier: courage which was not all stubbornness, political intuition, a capacity for cogent argument, independence of judgment in the interpretation of official instructions on which he felt that a responsible officer on the ground should have been consulted, and, above all, the ability to make himself agreeable to those he considered his inferiors, when to do so served his turn. To be convinced of these qualities it will suffice to read, among his few surviving state papers, his speeches to the Virginia Assembly on June 9th and 24, 1680 (Journals H. B., 1659-93, pp. 147, 130) his apologia of 1683 for his administration in Virginia (Va. Mag., iii, 245), and his far seeing Proposals of October 18, 1681 (Am. & W. I., 1681-85, No. 260), in which he pointed out: |
(a) that Virginia must
continue to be economically weak and subject to exploitation by English merchants
so long as she lacked an urban civilization, and
(b) the need of 'uniting of all the King's subjects in America to
help each other in case of foreign enemies, rebellions and indians, in such
proportions as the King shall direct.'
If English statesmen had
entertained such. views a century later, history might have taken a very
different course. His vices were those bred of extravagant living in a society
which was reacting f rom puritanism. Aggrieved by what he deemed the injustice
which kept him pinched for money all his life, he grew hard and, indeed,
unscrupulous. He belonged to a generation and to a class which (like democracy
in the twentieth century) believed the world owed it a living, and which,
coming to particulars, regarded the colonies chiefly as a field to be
exploited.
More than that, he flagrantly
offended public opinion, and embarrassed even his friend Charles II, by a
cynical disregard of appearances in domestic relations. If he had thus
inherited from his father that 'wonderful insinuation and address' which
Clarendon found in the first Lord Culpeper; and had, moreover, overcome the
uncertainty of temper which often diminished his father's influence, he
certainly did not cultivate the paternal art de parvenir 'by industry
and thrift.'
He was baptised in Hollingbourne,
March 21, 1634/5, as 'Thomas, son of John Culpeper, Kt. and Judith his wife.'
In the will of Sir Alexander12 (1645), written a few months after
his father had been raised to the peerage, he is described as 'Thomas, second
son of John, Lord Culpeper, Baron of Thoresway,' but in his father's will
(1660) he had become 'my eldest son and heir Thomas Culpeper.' He went abroad
with his mother in June, 1651 (the pass is in Cal. State Papers, Commonwealth,
1651 p. 529), when he was sixteen, and thenceforth remained with his father
during the exile. It was thus that he married a Dutch lady at The Hague in
August, 1659, being then twenty-four years of age.
Immediately after his father's
death he solicited the payment of the King's promised pecuniary grant; but he
soon found himself one of many in similar plight who were disappointed in the
realization of what they had expected to be implied in the Restoration. For all
that Charles II's first Parliament was liberal in its votes to the Crown, there
was not enough to go around among all the hungry cavaliers; and then and for
years to come Culpeper and others were put off with renewed promises and told
to wait for better times. He did secure, however, what many of his class did
not, the restoration of his father's estate which the Commonwealth had
forfeited and sold. Promptly there was enacted (12 Car. II, c. 8, private)
An
act for restoring of Thomas Lord Culpeper son and heir and sole executor of
John Lord Culpeper, Baron of Thoresway, and Master of the Rolls, deceased, to
all the Honours, Manors... whereof John... was in possession on the 20th day of
May, 1642.
Mindful of his obligation to his
late Master of the Rolls, the King did also what else he could for the son; and
soon appointed him to a post of profit. In July, 1661, Culpeper was installed
Captain (later Governor) of the Isle of Wight (Cal. State Papers, Domestic,
1661-62, p. 340; 1665-66, p. 504; 1668-69, p. 118). During this duty, which
lasted for seven years, he resided at Carisbrooke Castle, and there had a
valuable training in responsible administration. On the official side he seems
to have acquitted himself with ability and good humor: several times he won the
commendation of the government, on one occasion, e. g., when he had to break up
an assembly of Quakers, and insisted that if they would not read the prayer
book they should read the Koran (ibid., 1664-65, p. 109). But he so
offended the gentry of the island by establishing a mistress at Carisbrooke
that in April, 1666, they petitioned the King to remove him, giving as the
nominal reason that, being a purely military officer, he meddled in civil
affairs and did not keep up the fortifications. Sir R. Worsley (History of
the Isle of Wight, 1781, p. 136) prints the petition and an illuminating
letter from Clarendon in reply, in which the petitioners are politely rebuked
for their temerity and assured that Culpeper had the King's confidence. The
minister adds:
My
lord Culpeper, had not this petition been presented, would, before this time,
have been removed and another put in his place, for as much as the King, being
in the island, took notice that he was not respected by the gentry, as became
his government... But I believe though you may possibly have one that shall live
more socially among you, you may never have one that will use his power less
than my lord Culpeper.
Worsley says that Culpeper resigned
'soon after' this incident, but the state papers show that he held his post for
three years more and it was during that period that he was given the title of
Governor in addition to that of Captain. Specifically, he bore himself alertly
and to the satisfaction of the government during the Dutch war.
He began his participation in the
affairs of Virginia on March 20, 1671, when he was included in the 'Council for
Foreign Plantations' (Am. & W. I., 1669-74, No. 470; Cf.
Evelyn's diary for May 26, 1671). On the reorganization and enlargement of
function of this body, September 16, 1672, as the 'Council for all affairs
relating to Trade and Foreign Colonies and Plantations,' he was made
Vice-President (ibid., Nos. 923, 943). The state papers show him thenceforth
actively and responsibly engaged in the business of the colonies; incidentally
negotiating the treaty of commerce with the Dutch, which was ratified in March,
1674/5 (Domestic, 1673-75, p. 297; 1675-76, p. 11).
In the course of this business
Culpeper learned enough of the profits of the Virginia tobacco trade to see in
it his opportunity to realize upon the King's still unsatisfied promise to his
father of a grant of £12,000. His dormant interest in the Northern Neck, which
some of the grantees of 1649 had, since the Restoration, made futile efforts to
vitalize, was his clew.
Culpeper bad not deemed it worth
his while to have his name included in the compromise charter of 1669 relating
to the Northern Neck; but aftet he had sat in the government committee which
dealt at first hand with colonial affairs, and saw how Lord Balimore was
beginning to collect in Maryland an old Crown debt, he conceived that he might
himself do even better on the basis of the already established flow of quit
rents from the settled plantations of 'old, Virginia;' that by pocketing a
share of them over a term of years he might eventually realize his father's
claim without having to face the troublesome questions over 'head rights' which
had nullified the hopes of proprietary income in the Northern Neck.
For these considerations Culpeper
now not only revived his inherited interest in the Northern Neck, by securing
formal recognition from the proprietors named in the charter of 1669, that he
and his cousin were entitled together to two-sixths of the whole (see post in
the notice of Alexander"), but contemporaneously enlisted the co-operation
of the then all-powerful minister, Arlington, to solicit from the King a grant
dated February 25, 1672/3, of the quit rents and escheats of all Virginia, for
a term of 31 years from March 10, 1672.42
These manifestations of interest in
the colony mark the turning point of Culpeper's life. He was thirty-eight years
of age, and his remaining sixteen years were to be devoted to a persistent
effort to conjure an income out of Virginia.
The abolition of the Council for
Trade in December, 1674, left him without official occupation. That, instead of
seeking other employment in the government, Culpeper henceforth kept his eyes
steadily turned across the Atlantic appears from the fact that, while he left
the management of the charter of 1673 to Arlington, he now himself took over
the management of the Northern Neck. In that capacity he executed the first
proprietary land grant (that of the future site of Mount Vernon) in March,
1674/5, and carried on during the following summer the conversations with
Francis Moryson looking to the sale of the charter of 1669 to Virginia as a
corporation (Burk ) ii, Appendix, p. xxxiii ff.; Hening, ii, 518 ff.). Still
more convincing of his interest, it was now also that he solicited and secured
a patent for the reversion of Sir William Berkeley's post and
'entertainment' in the colony (Hening, ii, 565; Am. & W. I.,
1675-76, No. 599). That patent was as follows, viz:
Culpeper's Patent to be Governor
General of Virginia
Charles the Second by the grace of God of England, Scotland, France and Ireland,
King, Defender of the Faith, etc. To all to whom these Presents shall come
Greeting:
Know Yee
that Wee, for and in consideration of the many good faithful and acceptable
services done and rendered unto us from time to time, as well in forraigne
parts as within our dominions by our right trusty and well beloved Thomas Lord
Culpeper, baron of Thoresway, eldest son and heir of our late right trusty and
well beloved Councellor John Lord Culpeper deceaced, of whose memory and
services wee alsoe retain a gracious and favourable sence, and for divers other
good causes and considerations us thereunto especially moving, of our esspecial
certain knowledge and meer motion, have given and granted and by these
presents, for us our heirs and successors, doe give and grant unto the said
Thomas Lord Culpeper the office of our Lieutenant, and Governor General of all
that our colony and dominion of Virginia in America, with all the rights
members and appertenances whatsoever; and him the said Thomas Lord Culpeper our
Lieutenant and Governor General of all our said colony and dominion of Virginia
in America and of all the rights members and appertenances whatsoever, we, for
us our heirs and successors, do make ordaine constitute and appoint by these
presents,
To Have, Hold
occupie possesse and enjoy the said office of our Lieutenant and Governor
General above mentioned with all and singular the rights authorities
preheminences jurisdictions profits, sallaries and appertenances whatsoever
thereunto belonging and appertaining, unto him the said Thomas Lord Culpeper.
To
be exercised by himself or, in his absence, by such deputy or deputies as we
our heirs and successors shall and will commission thereunto from time to time.
From
and immediately after the death, surrende,r fforfeiture or other avoidance of
Sir William Berkeley our present Governor there, for and during the natural
life of the said Thomas Lord Culpeper.
And
for the better support of the dignity of the said office, wee do, for us our
heirs and successors, give and grant unto the said Lord Culpeper the yearly fee
and salary of one thousand pounds of lawfull money of England during his
natural life; which for us our heirs and successors wee do appoint to be paid
from time to time to the said Lord Culpeper and his assigns, during his natural
life as aforesaid, out of the first revenews and moneys which are or shall be
from time to time raised there for the support of the Government and payment of
our officers of our said colony and dominion; by quarterly payments upon the
feast days of St. John the Baptist [June 24], St. Michael the archangel
[September 29], the Nativity of our Lord God [December 25], and the
Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary [March 25], by equal portions (the
first payment thereof to begin and be made upon the first of the said feast
days which shall next immediately ensue the deat,h surrender, fforfeiture or
other avoidance of Sir William Berkeley).
And
also all such other fees sallaries allowances profitts perquisites powers
authorities privileges preheminances and jurisdictions whatsoever, civill and
military, as to the said office of our Lieutenant and Governor General do and
ought to oppertaine, and in as large and ample manner to all intents and
purposes whatsoever, as the said Sir William Berkeley or any other person or
persons hath, do, or ought to execute and enjoy the same.
And
lastly wee hereby strictly charge and command all our officers ministers and
subjects whatsoever in or about the said collony or dominion of Virginia to bee
at all and on all occasions obedient aydeing and assisting to the said Thomas
Lord Culpeper and such deputy or deputies as shall be commissioned by us our
heirs or successors from time to time as aforesaid, touching the due execution
of the said office and employment, and all the matters and things herein
specified according to the tenor purpose and intent of these presents; any
former grants commissions instructions or any other matter or thing whatsoever
to the contrary notwithstanding.
Although
express mention of the true yearely value or certainty of the premisses or any
of them or of any other gift or grants by us or any of our progenitors or
predecessors heretofore made to the aforesaid Thomas Lord Culpeper in these
premises is not made, in any statute, act, ordenanc,e provision, proclamation
or restriction heretofore had, made, published ordayned or provided [these our
letters shall obtain] any other thing cause or matter whatsoever to the
contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding.
In
witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made pattent.
Witness
ourselves, at Westminster the eighth day of July in the seaven and twentieth
yeare of our reigne [1675].
By
writ of Privy Seal.
Immediately upon Berkeley's death,
in July, 1677, Culpeper took the oaths as Governor (Acts P. C.,
Colonial, i, 721) and served as such until he forfeited his patent in August,
1683 (Am. & W.I., 1677-80, No. 360, 384, 386). He was, however, in
the colony only during two brief tours, from May to August, 1680, and from
December, 1682, to May, 1683. The historians of the period all record that on
the first occasion his affability and apparent interest in their welfare won
golden opinions from the planters, but that his second appearance was
characterized by exhibitions of rapacity which disgusted all who came into
contact with. the administration. None of these writers provides a convincing
explanation of this hardening of Pharoah's heart. The fact seems to be that in
1680, encouraged by the success of his blandishments, Culpeper made up his mind
that he could secure local acquiescence in an effective application of the two
proprietary charters in which he was interested; and in order to reap the full
harvest of such an achievement determined to buy out all the other proprietors.
He accordingly returned to England, and duly made the purchase in the summer of
1681. His deed from the other proprietors of the Northern Neck was dated July
21st and that from Lord Arlington, September 10, 1681 (Close Roll 4568,
33 Car. II, pt. 14, No. 19; Hening, ii, 578).
Because they gave the colour to his
new relations with the Virginians, it was as appropriate that Culpeper's first
act, on his return to Virginia in December, 1682, should be to record these
instruments in the General Court (Minutes of the Council and General Court, ed.
McIlwaine, 1924, p. 523), as his first act on his previous arrival (May 10,
1680) had been to so record his patent as Governor (Hening, ii, 567). He now
asserted his proprietary rights in the Northern Neck with vigor. Reciting
himself 'sole owner,' he appointed a 'Receiver General' for that territory and
gave his officer the full backing of the government (Va. Mag., ix, 309;
i, 125).
He was thus enabled to collect the
quit rents, both above and below the Rappahannock; but the profits which were
expected from fines on land grants in the Northern Neck were conspicuously
lacking. No one entered for new land in that territory: the jacitation of the
proprietary title served only to stir the embers of the resentment and sullen
opposition to the existence of a proprietary, which Berkeley had fomented.
In March, 1682/3, Culpeper wrote
from Greenspring to Lord Dartmouth (Va. Mag., xx, 82) notifying his
desire to return to England 'for a short time to prepare certain things of
great consequence in the future which cannot be well understood by letter.'
This adumbration of an imminent abandonment of duty without leave may be
explained by Culpeper's appreciation that his investment in the two charters
was likely to be a loss, and that his best opportunity to recoup was to be at
court and there seek to sell his franchise either to the Crown or to the
colony. Although his return cost him his post (and, what hurt him more, his
salary) as Governor, in respect to the Arlington charter he was successful: in
consideration of a pension of £600 per annum for 21 years, charged upon the
establishment of the army, he surrendered that grant to the Crown by a deed
dated May 27, 1684 (Va. Mag., xxxii, 192). As to the Northern Neck,
Nicholas Spencer was able contemporaneously, by an adroit insistence upon the
reimbursement of the late Governor for his disbursement out of the quit rents
for the support of the rangers, to provoke the Assembly (Journals H. B. 1660-93,
pp. 202, 203, 208, 228; Hening, iii, 27) to request Lord Howard to open new
negotiations for a purchase of the Northern Neck charter of 1669 by the colony,
on the basis of the agreement of 1675; but partly on the question of price and
partly because Virginia still lacked the power to make the purchase in a
corporate capacity, that business failed.
Culpeper then turned for a moment
to, speculative investments elsewhere in America. In 1685 he appears as 'one of
the owners of the soyle of the Narragansett Teritory' (Acts P.C.,
Colonial, ii, 80) ; but he never abandoned his hopes of the Northern Neck.
Because no market had yet been found for it, when the 21 year term of the
charter of 1669 began to wear out, he invoked his interest once more to secure
a renewal. This he accomplished at the hands of James II. His petition (Treas.
Papers, 4: 5, p. 298) was dated July 10, 1688, and as Beverley says: 'in
the confusion that happen'd in the End of King James the Second's Reign' he
secured the final Northern Neck charter, bearing date September 27, 1688.
Despite this boon from the last
Stuart King, the next we hear of Culpeper is that he was deeply involved in the
intrigues to overthrow the Stuart dynasty. In December, 1688, after James II's
twofold flight, he was one of the self-constituted Committee of the House of
Lords who invi ted the Prince of Orange to assume the government (Historical
MSS. Commission, First Report, p. 16; Va. Mag., xx, 82). Bishop
Burnet says (History of His Own Times, i, 798, 819) that he was the only
one of the Lords, who, in the Convention Parliament, supported Halifax's
proposal that Orange should be elected King in his own right.
But if he thus prudently took part
in the 'glorious Revolution,' he did not survive to reap the reward on which he
undoubtedly counted. The Journals of the House of Lords show that on January
25, 1688/9, he was absent sick from a call of the House; and that on March 2nd,
John, Lord Colepeper was sworn in. The proprietor of the Northern Neck had
died at his house in St. James Street on January 27, 1688/9, a few weeks before
the completion of his fifty-fourth year.
He m., 1659, Margaretta
(1635-1710), dau. of Jan van Hesse, late of the household of the Prince of
Orange, deceased.
|
Her
birth (January 12, 1634/5), marriage (at The Hague, August 3, 1659) and
pedigree are recorded in the Dutch genealogical periodical De
Nederlandsche Leeuw, xiv (1896), p. 172. Her burial is in the Bromfield
(Kent) register, May 12, 1710, as 'the Right Honourable Margaret Lady
Culpeper.' There is no MI. In
a private act of Parliament passed in August, 1663 (12 Car. II, c. 12; House
of Lords MS.; Cf. list of private acts in Ruffhead, iii) to naturalise
the foreign born wives brought home from the exile by several of the
cavaliers, she was described as 'Margaret Lady Culpeper, wife of the Right
Honourable Thomas Lord Culpeper, Baron of Thoresway... said Margaret [being
born] also at The Hague [in Holland]... said ladies being protestants.' |
Portrait reproduced by kind permission of the Trustees of the Leeds Castle Foundation. |
The
Dutch genealogist already cited describes her father as 'lord of Piershall and
Wena, nobleman of the house of the Prince of Orange,' her mother as 'Catharina
van Cats;' and says that her elder sister Charlotte (1629-1716) m. 1655 Thomas
Killigrew the poet, and after the Restoration became a Lady of the Privy
Chamber to Charles II's queen. Mr. Wykeham-Martin (Leeds Castle, p. 171)
had access to Lady Culpeper's marriage-settlement, which unfortunately he did
not print for it has since been lost, and from it quotes the description of her
father as 'Sieur jean de Hesse, Chevalier, en son vivant Seigneur de Pierschil
et Wena, et judge des Eaux et Forets de Holland et West Frize, Captaine de
Cavalerie au service de Monseigneurs les Etats Generaux des Provinces Unies.'
In the Leeds Castle family bible George William Fairfax, writing long after
Lady Culpeper's death, recorded her as 'youngest daughter and heir of the
Seigneur jean de Hesse, of the noble family of Hesse of Bergen near Cologne.'
Burnaby translates this into 'a princess of the house of Hesse Cassel.' The
family of Hesse maintained, in several branches, a minor sovereignty on the
banks of the Rhine from the middle ages to the time of Napoleon; but it is
apparent from the descriptions quoted above that the father of Margaret Lady
Culpeper, while of that breeding, was modestly cadet, and not at all princely.
To this judgment should be added Lady Culpeper's own testimony after her
husband's death (Hist. MS. Comm., House of Lords MS., 1689-90, p. 434)
that she brought him 'a very great fortune with which he purchased a very
considerable estate of inheritance in fee simple.'
and by her had
i Catherine, 1670?-1719, m. 1690, Thomas Fairfax (1657-1710), fifth Lord Fairfax of
Cameron, of whom hereafter.
By his mistress, Susanna Willis,
Culpeper had also two natural daughters, whom he acknowledged and who both m.
into county families, viz:
ii
Susanna, 1672-1720, m., 1686, Sir Charles Englefield, bart (1670-1728), of
Englefield, co. Berks.
The
allegation for the mar. lic., February 15, 1685/6 (Harl. Pub., xxiv,
179), read, 'Sir Charles Englefield, Bart. of Englefield, Berks, Bachr., about
16 & Susanna Culpeper, Spr., abt. 14, natural dau. of Thomas Lord Culpeper,
who alleges: at St. James or St. Giles in the Fields, Middx.'
Of
the family of Englefield, believed to be of Saxon origin, there is a full
notice in the Barowetages of Wooton (1771 , i, 123) and Betham (1802, i,
147). See also D. N. B. for several of the family.
From
these authorities, supplemented by G. E. C. (all of whom duly record the m.) it
appears that Susan Culpeper's son, Thomas, and dau., Charlotte, both died
young; that her will was pr. December 6, 1720; and that her husband was bur. at
Englefield, s.p.s., whereupon the Englefield title and estates passed to
another branch of that family.
iii
Charlotte, 1677-post 1702, m., 1690, John Peshall (1669-1706) of Sugnal, co.
Staff.
The
allegation for the mar. lic., May 15, 1690 (Harl. Pub., xxvi, 311) read,
'John Peshall Esq. of St. Margarets, Westminster, Bachelor, 21, & Madam
Charlotte Culpeper of St. James in the Fields, Middx., Spinster, 15; consent of
her mother, Madam Susanna Welldon, alias Willis: at St. Edmunds, Lombard
Street.'
Like
the Englefields, the Peshalls of Eccleshall were created baronets in 1611. From
the notice of them in G. E. C. Complete Baronetage, it appears that this
John was the heir to the baronetcy, sat in Parliament, 1701-02 as burgess for
Newcastle-under-Lyme, and died, 1706, s.p.m.s.,v.p.; and that on the
death of his father, 1712. s.p.m.s., the baronetcy became extinct;
though it was subsequently claimed by another family of Peshall.
Wotton's
notice (1771, i, 120) of Charlotte Culpeper's children is as follows: 'John
[Peshall] who m. Charlotte ' dau. of Thomas, Lord Colepeper, and dying v.p.
was buried July 3. 1706, had two sons, Thomas, baptized August 18, 1691,
and another son, who both died young; and three daus., 1) Frances bapt.
September 16, 1693, m. Thomas Ireland, Esq. of co. Salop, who d. 1718, leaving
a son; 2) Charlotte, baptized March 7, 1696, who d. young; 3) Arabella,
baptized 1702 [who] m. January 23, 1730, the Rt. Hon. J. Campbell, viscount
Glenorch and now [1771] earl of Breadalbane in Scotland, by whom he had issue:
George, who died an infant, and John, the present viscount Glenorch. She died
at Bath, September 10, 1762.'
As
Wotton was writing, John, the second son of the earl of Breadalbane, was killed
in a duel, s.p.s., November 14, 1771, in his 34th year. See G. E. C.
Complete Peerage, s. v. Breadalbane.
The
Irelands of Shrewsbury seem also to be extinct.
Thus it was that the blood of the
second Lord Culpeper persisted no longer through his children by Mrs. Willis
than it did through the Fairfaxes.
At the time of his death Lord
Culpeper was living, as he had been for many years, with his maitresse en
titre Susanna Willis. She seems to have buried him privately, for there is
no record extant of where or when he was interred. More than that, Mrs. Willis
took 'the key to his sets and possessed herself of everything.43
When, after several days, this news came to Leeds Castle, where Lady Culpeper
was then resident, the deserted chatelaine showed her energy. She posted
up to London and on February 22, 1688/9, sued out letters of administration
upon her husband's estate (P.C.C. Admon. Act Book, 1688). Armed with
this weapon, she demanded possession of his effects, only to learn that he had
in the preceding October settled his estate upon trustees largely for the
benefit of his two daughters by Mrs. Willis, and that by a will, dated January
17, 1688/9, he had confirmed this bounty, leaving the lands which he had
acquired with his wife's fortune, charged with his debts. Outraged by this
intelligence, Lady Culpeper rose to the defence of her own daughter. She filed
a bill in chancery against Mrs. Willis, alleging fraud and undue influence, and
praying that the settlement and will be set aside. Mrs. Willis countered
effectively: being in possession, she was content to settle down to a long
drawn out chancery suit. Deeming such delay intolerable, Lady Culpeper then
turned for relief to the high court of Parliament, and had introduced into the
House of Lords a bill of which the recital was as follows:
Whereas
Thomas, Lord Culpeper, being seized in fee of divers manors etc., in the
counties of Southampton, Kent, Sussex, Warwick and Lincoln, and being also
possessed of divers messuages, etc., during some certain terms of years,
unhappily fell into the acquaintance and conversation of Susanna Willis,
otherwise Welden, otherwise Laycock, who by her artifices so far seduced him
that he, for many years before his death, lived apart from his Lady, who never
gave him the least occasion of offence, and with whom he had a very great
fortune, with which he purchased a very considerable estate of inheritance in
fee simple; and the said Lord Culpeper was to that degree ensnared by the said
Susanna, that he spent most of the revenue of his estate upon her, which
expense amounted to at least £60,000, and by that means had but little left to
allow his said Lady, and his only child, Mrs. Katherine Culpeper for their
support and maintenance; and although he was sensible of his miscarriages and
often declared to his chief confidents that he would not do anything in
reference to his estate to the prejudice of his wife and child, yet the said
Susanna by fraud, circumvention and evil practices prevailed on him to make
several settlements, which she conceals or has in her custody, for the benefit
of her and her two children, which she caused him to own as his; and at length
when Lord Culpeper approached his death and had not the exercise of his reason,
caused him to declare a writing, prepared by her and her accomplices, to be his
will, whereby a great part of his estate is by pretence disposed of to her and
her children, and no provision is made for the payment of his debts, which are
great, and contracted for the buying of rich household stuff, plate, jewels,
etc., for the said Susanna, which she possesses to a great value, pretending
them to be the said Lord Culpeper's gift.
in consideration of all of which
the bill proposed
to remedy the said frauds and wicked practices, to relieve Lady
Culpeper and her daughter, and for deterring people from committing the like
frauds and deceits for the future' by enacting that all conveyances, wills,
etc. 'made by the said Lord Culpeper or by his direction, for the benefit of
the said Susanna and her reputed children, or persons in trust for them, shall
be null and void.
For all that there was sympathy
with the insulted wife, it is apparent that the colour of the recitals of her
bill smacked too much of pleading to make it possible of enactment. It came to
a vote in the House of Lords, January 15, 1689/90, and failed of passage by a
poll of 36 to 35, the determination being that Lady Culpeper should pursue her
remedy in chancery.
In this parlous situation Lady
Culpeper's daughter married, and her husband took the case in hand. He
negotiated a compromise with Mrs. Willis and her daughters, under which an
allowance of £4,000 cash was made to John Peshall, who had recently married the
younger Willis girl, an annuity of £100 per annum, charged on the manor of
Thoresway, was assured to the elder (wife of Sir Charles Englefield); and it
was agreed that hoth Lord Culpeper's settlement and will should be suppressed,
so that his legitimate daughter might be vested with the remainder of the
estate as heir at law. To ratify this arrangement a new bill was introduced
into Parliament in March, 1696/7 (Known as 'Lord Fairfax's Estate Bill'), of
which the recitals were as follows:
Whereas by indentures quinquepartite of 4 Oct. 4 Jac. II betw.
(i) late Thos. Lord C. (2) Sir John Trevor, then Master of Rolls, &
Christopher Cratford of St. Giles in the Fields, gent. (3) William Pottell of
Middle Temple, gent. & William Roberts of Gray's Inn, gent. (4) Samuel
Reynolds of St. Giles in the Fields, gent. & (5) Susanna Weldon als. Willis
of St. James in the Fields, spinster, Charlotte Colepeper, spr. & Dame
Susanna Englefield, wife of Sir Charles E., the sd. Lord C. granted to Trevor
& Cratford the manor of Forshaw als. Forshaw in parish of Solyhuss als.
Sylehull, , co. Warw.; tithes of Mayfield, Sussex; lands in Lydd &
Bromehill, part of which heretofore belonged to late Lord Culpeper & the
rest was since purchased by his Lordship of Thos. Colepeper of St. Stephens,
esq. & Sir George Carter; the manor of Thoresway, co. Lincs., charged with
payment of £100 a year to Dame Susanna, wife of Sir Charles Englefield, during
her life, under a deed of 20 Feb. 2 Jac. II; also messuage & farm called
Totnams, in or near the parish of Hollingbourne in Kent at a place called
Eghorne Street containing 40 acres, lately purchased by late Lord C. & then
or late in tenure of Alexander Culpeper, gent., under yearly rent of £45 during
a lease of 21 years, of which about 19 were then in being; To hold to A. Trevor
& Cratford to use of Thomas Lord C. for life; remr. as to some (specified)
to use of Susanna Welldon, als. Willis, for life; remr. to use of Wm. Pottell
& Wm. Roberts for 200 years on trusts therein declared; remr. to use of
Katherine, daur. of Thos. Ld. C. for 99 years; remr. to her issue; remainder to
the settlors right heirs; and whereas the sd. Ld. Culpeper by his will of 17
Jan. 1688 confirmed above indentures; And whereas sd. Ld. C. is since dead,
& the sd. Katherine his daur. is married to Thomas Ld. Fairfax & sd.
Charlotte is married, with her mother's consent, to John Peshall of Sugnall,
co. Staff-, Esq.; And whereas it is agreed that £4,000 is owing to said John
Peshall.
John, third Lord Culpeper, now
intervened in this washing of dirty linen in public. He was aggrieved by the
bill, not only because is set aside the general provision of his brother's will
for vesting his right heirs with an ultimate remainder in all his estate, but
because it ignored certain specific agreements of the second Lord as to charges
upon the inheritance of the first Lord, for the benefit of his younger
children. It subsequently appeared that the second Lord had created anuities to
satisfy all of these last mentioned claims except that of his brother John; who
had been left high and dry in the animosities engendered by the family
controversy over the Six Clerks place. John accordingly used all his interest
to defeat Lord Fairfax's bill. Although it duly passed the Commons house, the
new Lord Culpeper was able to block it in the Lords, by another close vote.
While gratifying revenge, this
success did not, however, accomplish John's larger purpose of securing a vested
interest in his brother's estate; but he pursued his particular claim in the
Court of Chancery and there, in 1700, at last had a decree establishing in his
favor an annuity charged upon a manor in the Isle of Wight.
By virtue of these transactions the
second Lord Culpeper's estate came into the hands of his heiress much diminished.
It now consisted chiefly of Leeds Castle and the appurtenant manors in Kent,
which were hardly sufficient by themselves to support that house; and of the
Northern Neck proprietary, then still a castle in Spain.
![]()
41 Here are some characterizations:
Hartwell,
Chilton and Blair (1696)
'one of the most cunning and covetous men in England.'
Beverley (1705, i, 80) 'he had the art of mixing the
good of the Country with his own particular Interest.'
Oldmixon
(1708) 'He affected a
Despotick way of governing... in other things his Lordship's Administration was
very commendable.'
Sir
William Keith (1737) 'a Man
of Sound judgment... not wholly negligent of his own Interest.'
Bishop
Burnet (1723, i, 798) 'A
vicious and corrupt man, but made a figure in the debates.'
Chalmers (1782) 'having shown by his conduct that
they who act under independent authority will seldom obey even reasonable
commands, no more governors were appointed for life.'
Burk
(1805, ii, 235) 'the easy
smile and bending condescension which he wore during his first visit... settled
down into a severe and gloomy dignity.'
Bancroft
(1837, ii, 246) 'He had no
high-minded regard for Virginia: he valued his office and his patents only as
property... yet Culpeper was not singularly avaricious. His conduct was in
harmony with the principles which prevailed in England. As the British merchant
claimed the monopoly of colonial commerce, as the British manufacturer valued
Virginia only as a market for his goods, so the British Courtiers looked to
appointments in America as a means of enlarging their own revenues or providing
for their dependants. Nothing but Lord Culpeper's avarice gives him a place in
American history.'
Campbell
(1860, pp. 328, 337) 'an
able but artful and covetous man a man of strong judgment.'
Lodge
(1881, p., 23) 'Culpeper's
sole object was extortion, which he freely practised... Culpeper's
administration was, as a whole, one of simple greed and violent exaction,
varied by an extensive swindle in raising and lowering the value of the coin.'
Doyle
(1882, i, 259) 'Culpeper
himself seems to have been neither better nor worse than most public men in
that corrupt age. He appears to have been placable and conciliating in temper
and to have shown no lack of intelligence as an administrator. His worst fault
was rapacity, of which he stands convicted both by general tradition and
certain specific actions.'
Osgood
(1907, iii, 296) 'Though he appears to have been a man of some ability, the
selection was an unfortunate one... His interest in Virginia seems to have been
limited to securing a favorable settlement of his claims.'
Wertenbaker
(1914, p. 239) 'Few British
colonial Governors are less deserving of respect than Thomas, Lord Culpeper.'
Gordon
McCabe (1919, Presidential
Address to Va. Hist. Soc.) 'despite his insensate greed, he was not altogether
bad... he . gave wise advice as to Indian defence, his suggestions as to
fostering manufactures evidence a clear head, and even some of his arbitrary
amendments to Acts of Assembly proved salutary.' (Return)
42 The relation of the charter of February 25,
1672/3 (Hening, ii, 569) to Culpeper's inherited interest in the Northern Neck
is apparent in the incidental relation of the new and greater grant back to the
date of the second Northern Neck charter, i. e., May 8, 1669. It is significant
also that therein (as in Culpeper's patent of 1675 for the reversion of the
government of the colony) the consideration moving the Crown was recited to be
that the grantee was 'son and heir of John, late Lord Culpeper, deceased, of
whose memory and services wee retain a favorable and gracious sense.'
Culpeper's plans in relation to the
colony under the charter of 1673 have provoked much historical rhetoric, but it
seems clear that they went no further than the realization of the £12,000 due
him on his father's Crown grant. This motif of money is apparent in the genuine
surprise reflected in Arlington's statement to Francis Moryson in October, 1675
(Burk, ii, Appendix, p. x1i) that
'he wondered why the country should
be more aggrieved to pay him the quit rents granted by the patent than to
Colonel Norwood and to others; since those rents have never been accounted for
unto the chequer, but still received and enjoyed by the treasurers to their own
proper uses.'
Arlington was referring to
Berkeley's statement in the old Governor's since famous report of 1671 (Hening,
ii, 517), that
'there is no revenue arising to his
majesty [from Virginia] but out of the quit rents: and this he hath given away
to a deserving servant Colonel Henry Norwood.'
It seems clear that if Culpeper had
been content in 1675 with a grant of the quit rents he would have accomplished
his purpose without opposition. His miscalculation arose from over zeal: in
order to secure the quit rents he contrived to have the grant include also the
'regalities;' which showed a lack of appreciation of the pride and
self-consciousness of Berkeley and his Council in their direct relations with
the Crown. (Return)
43 The record of the scandal over the
settlement of the second Lord Culpeper's estate is in (i) Chancery Bills and
Answers before 1714, File Hamilton, ii, Bundle 85, No. 66, and
Bundle 671; (2) the private Parliamentary bills, entitled Lord Culpeper's
Bill, January, 1689/90, and Lord Fairfax's Estate Bill, March, 1696/97,
calendared by Historical MSS. Commission, House of Lords MS.,
1689-90, p. 434, and 1695-97, ii, 533; (3) the report of Culpeper v. Fairfax
(1700), 2 Vernon's Reports, 376; and the comment thereon by Narcissus Luttrell (Brief
Relation, iv, 706) ; (4) the subsequent repercussions of futile animosity
against Lord Fairfax in the Culpeper family, recorded by William Henry Ireland
(1777-1835), the Shakespeare forger, whose wife was a Culpeper (History of
Kent, 1829, iii, 569). (Return)